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MR EARNSHAW AT THE CITY HALL.

Mr W. Barnshaw, 81.H.R., addresesd a meeting of his constituents in the City Hall last evening. TSie hall was well filled at the beginning and crowded before the end of the meeting. Mr John Jolly, jun., occupied the chair, and among others who occupied seats on the platform were Mies Morrison, Mrs Trainor, the Hon. W. M. Bolt, M.L.C., the Kevs. J. T. Hinton and A. H. Wallace, Messrs A. S. Adorns, R. Kae, A. C. Broad, A C. Begg, C. K. Chapman, A. H. Burton, and H. E. Muir.

The Chairman, iu his introductory remarks, said that whether they did or did not agree with Mr Earnshaw, he was sure they would admit he was entitled to respect, and would also agree that at no period in the history of the colony had there been more need for care and watchfulness

Mr Earns rcAW, who was received with applause, said he felt it was his duty, and the duty of every representative to meet the electors at the earlifcsfc period, to put before them the policy of the Government, and to ask for their approval or disapproval of it, and for their verdict on the couduot of their representatives. He was determined to give them a brief but distinct history of the events of the late session, and no uncertain sound as to the policy of the Government. As to private and local bills, he mentioned that he h*d not at any time been consulted during the session as to bills affecting Dni.ediu. but on every occasion he had given all t.ti <•. astsUtance he could for their passage. H« strongly approved of the Gaming Bill, the character of which might be gathered from two fa<!ts: —that it would reduce the number of race meetings by o<;<—half, and provided that persons under age i-hould not be allowed to gp.mble either themselves or by agents. The Home Sricuiiiy Bill was au important measure, and he hoped that it would y* ijccume the. law of the laud. One other bill introducer! by a. private member he would refer to—the E'ective Executive Bill, —and he would Bay th»t if there was only the experience of the past session, it surely must come home to every man in New Zealand that the time had arrived when tbe present form of party government should be abolished, and that, instead of ».>i autocracy on the Government benches, Parliament should govern, with the people behiudtheParliament. — (Applause.) For evidence for the need of this reform he n»d only to refer to the scandalous measure known as the Riverton Harbour B*»rd Bill, which though iniqnitous in its character was forced through the Houee by the battalions behind the Premier, although the. Premier knew it was not possible the harbour could be constructed except at a colossal expenditure not warranted by ths condition of the district Toiplr^e a supporter the Premier had forced this bill through the House, when he dared not poison the table the report of the engineer on the work. As a Labour member, and one who had loyally supported the Labour cause—(dissent and applause)—the Minister for Education would not say he bad not loyally supported the Labour caiißH—(dissent and applause),—he would refer to Labour measures. There had been much difficulty in dealing with the Shop and Shop Assistants Bill, and he was not sure the measure would be found to work as satisfactorily as they desired. The Minister for Labour had, he thought, irjrbat bill jeopardised1 the interests of the shop assistants who had already the Saturday half-holiday, for under the bill as passed by the House they would probably have lost the Saturday half-holiday. He had moved an amendment that though some other day was fixed for the weekly half-holiday by the local authorities it should be optional for those' who desired to do so to close on Saturday instead; bud on this Messrs Piukerton and Morrison had voted against him, and Mr Hutchison had declined to vote. The Legislative Council had, however, inserted the amendment which he had failed to carry in the House of Representative*. He approved and bad supported the amendments made in the conspiracy law; but the amending bill had been jeopardised through one member wishing to strike out sub-clause 2, which contained a promise that the repeal should not apply in cases ot riot, sedition, tumult, and so on.—(A Voice: "Name.") That member was Mr William Hutchison. If the workers were to get reforms and advanced labour legislation, that could only be done by keeping within the law; and if the law .was not right then, having universal suffrage, they should amend the law. The Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Bill was an advanced piece of legislation, and he hoped that in future disputes between men and masters would not be fought oat over the barriers by strikes, but over a table by means of a board of conciliation or arbitration. He believed there should now be no necessity to revert to the brute force of strikes, although he regretted to say that was not likely to be the case if the Premier persevered in the attitude hn h'id taken up in the letter sent to Mr Middleton, of the Benmore estate.—(A Voice : " That was quite right") Well, he thought it was quite wrong ; and ho knew that no statement made by auy trades organisation'for the \»sk six years bad been such a blow to the Labour party as that iniquitous letter, by th« Premier.-— (A Voice: "The letter was right") The workers had the power,, and if they were to succeed; they; could only succeed by standing within the law, and that letter was outside the law.—(Applause and ■'No! no !) The Factories Bill was a measure that was in favour of the fair employer as against the "sweater." Two other measures dealing with the labour problem had been introduced—the Master and Apprentice Bill and the Undesirable Immigrants Bill. The questions referred to in theje measures should be grappled with, but he. had nothing but disapprobation for the measures as drafted ; and if the Ministers had been in the habit of. taking whisky, he should have thought that whisky was responsible for these measures. over many measures upon which he would like to spsak, he came to the question of finance.—(A VoiCe : "What does Bobby say about it ?"), He would tell them first what he | (Mr Earnshaw) said about it. Respecting the meaßure to guarantee two millions to the Bank of New Zealand, the members were told that if they did not pass that measure on the Friday night on which it was introduced, the doors of the Bank of New Zealand would be closed next morning, and in all probability the Colonial Bank and the National Bank would be closed on the Monday. The responsibility for that measure must rest upon the Government, and he wished to say that the Government! knew for the past 12 months that this crisis was coming. He believed also that ths Government knew of the real crisis for a month before they took the House into their confidence. While this surprise legislation might, have been absolutely necessary at the commencement of the session, that could not be said of the last piece of banking legislation, which, though it was understood that it was merely to prohibit the amalgamation of the Bank of New Zealand and the Colonial Bank, turned out to be a measure to guarantee the note issue of every bank in New Zealand, though its liabilities might be equal to its assets. The battalions behind the Ministry carried that measure, which, he believed, ought not to have been carried.'—(lnterruption). In his opinion the connectionpolitical, of course—between Ministers and the .Colonial Bank and the Bank of New Zealand was inimical to the best interests of the taxpayer's of New Zealand. The position of the finance of the colony ami the banks of New Zealand was such that it was grave in the extreme, and demanded the serious attention of every citizen who, wished well for the country's welfare. In 1890 Mr Ballance took control of the Parliament with a policy of self-reliance, non-borrowing, and trusting the people, and his principles were economy of expenditure, adjustment of taxation, the imposition of burdens on the land, and reform of the social conditions of life. Though in 1891 and 1892 the party were, with reference to their social reforms and novel and experimental legislation, met with the opposition of the whole press of the colony, it had to be admitted that Mr Ballance kept a strong band on the pursestrings of the colony—(applause)—and it was that one thing that "awuuic" up our stock,s at Home. When, on Mr Ball&nce's death, his chief lieutenant took control, it was on the distinct understanding that he carried forward the same programme and policy that Mr Ballance had enunciated.—(Applause.) The questions before the Dunedin electors last year weru economy of administration and a self-veliant, non-borrow-ing policy, and it was on that policy that the electors sent tha speaker and others to Parliament to represent them. — (Applause ) The programme then before them was that which the Liberal Ministry had preached from the North Cape to the Bluff. It had been iterated and reiterated throughout the colony that the policy of the Government was a non-borrowing policy, that never before had the nuance of the colony been so strong, and that not only conld we meet the cost of growing colonisation, but that we could look for surpluses year by year. In Bupport of this statement, the speaker quoted from speeches delivered by Mr Seddon at Marton, Priilding, New Plymouth, Danevirke, Hokitika, Gore, Ashburton, Timarn, Lyttelton, and'Auckland.—(A Voice: "You've told us Mr Seddon's policy ; tell us which ia Mr Stout's.") Amid considerable interruptionheread extracts also from a speech delivered at Naseby by Mr JohnM'Kenzie. (A Voice : "Tell us how you went over to the Opposition; that is what we want to know.") He would tell them that by-and-bye. He also guoted from a speech by the Minister for Lands at Tiinaru and from one delivered by the Colonial Treasurer at Winton, and, being subjected to a good deal of interruption, he appealed to the. meeting, as man to man, to hear what he had to say, and if they did not approve of it to tell him so at the fiuish. He wished to point out that, a number of people thought (hat a self-reliant, non-borrowing policy meant, sts the Government had too often implied, living within our revenue. That was where th« Government had deliberately deluded the peopl« of the colonv, for we had never lived within our net revenue. The net indebtedness of the colony last year was

£38,1*4,070, and this year it was £38.874.491. so that we had increased it by £730,421. We paid last; year in interest £1,837,169, and this year we bail to pay £1,873 682, or an increase of £38.513.. Who paid that money? Did it not come out of the labour of the working men ? —(A Voice: "You'll, have'to take yeur comfc of!.") Yes, and he could do it.—(Applause.) He claimed to be the "boss" in his trade in the colony, and that was more than that man was.— (Apfplause.) He might be a failure as a politician, bat no man would ever gay he was a failure as a workman; and &s a workman representing working raen he had a right to demand their attention, and he wanted to ask those working men who were apt to i sneer at Labour members fco come on the platform and see how they would shape in a similar position — (Applauße.) There were a lot of men who could talk big over a pot of beer about what they would do. but he had gone up for four years to Parliament and received credit there, and he stood before them and dealt in a fair and legitimate muuner with the measures that came before Parliament. With produce at bed-rock prices what did our increased indebtedness mean ? Did it not mean extra taxation ? And who paid taxation but the working men of the colony ? —(A Voice : " Who pnys foe special trains?") He was always prepare*' to raeitt the music even of special trains. Tb^r had Kent bim to the House to represent labour — (Griet of " Never again," counter crien, and upn.arj Their in'ere<ts were his interests, and if he thought for one moment that increased expenditure meant their permanent welfare would not it he as easy for him to vote for it and float with the stream as oppose the stream ?—(Loud applause.) He would tell them thin, that the increane of national mdubte.ines- in ".ant the-paup-risatiou and degradation of the working man. It was only by reducing our national debt a»d by living withiu .jur ie-.onrces th*t we could hnpp to have a higher standard of living, a»d tn have our working meti prutitxbly employpd, so that they could meet iu c-muetition the cheap labour of the artisans of Eur« >a. They taunt not suppose th.it L«hnur Bills would find bread and butter for tlieir children. All they would do would ha to arij.iat the relations between fit>"\ .yerti and employed.— (A Voice : 'Chat's s lot.) Yes; but thfcy did not at all touch the primary question of providing employment. The Government weuld have to go deeper, and any Government worthy of ttm name of"a Liberal Labour Government should lay it dowo that every m*n iu New Zetland that required work should have an avenue to eroploym«nt opened to him. The Government were tinkering in a fashion with the question of State farms; but, was it possible for the Government to open up an avenue through which men could get labour and yet be dependent upon no Government for tht'ir daily bread. That was the problem to be solved, and labour organisations should force it upon the Government. As to the financial proposal of the Government there was no man iu'that meeting, and no member in Parliament who, before the opening of the session, bad dreamt that the Government would bring in their plunging financial policy, aud say that unless members agreed with it they did not belopg to thw Liberal party. The Government bad aeked for a quarter of it-million per &nnum for lands for settlement; half auillion for land improvement and the purchase of Native lauds; £200.000 for loans to local bonies ; a million and a-h&lf for loans to settlers; about a million of cash or approved securities to be deposited by foreign insurance c mpanies (if cash, 4 per cent interest ts be allowed); £618,000 as a gift to the Midland Railway. Cumparjy; two millions for the Bank of New Zealand, to guarantee'all bank notes, thouga the liabilities equalled the assets; and hu additional impost of four months' land tax. In addition, this Liberal Government had foreshadowed imposts on sugar, coal, wheat, fluur, aud fruit. Was it the doctrine of the Liberal party to tax food supplies ?—(A Voice : " No, no.") (This was surrly a change of front for Liberals. Then what was the meaning of these loans? Interest for them mu»t bu provided mainly through the customs, which meauc casting the burden upon the workers of the colony. He absolutely refused to support such a policy, for i1; must be disastrous to the working men and women of the colony. The Government bad undoubtedly disproved the calumny that they were borrowing on the sly. This was borrowing in the open; theirs was a plunging policy such as no country could stand, and instead of one man out of work we would have two, and instead of wages remaining as they were they would be down.2s per cent, in two or three years. More than that, there would be an enormous impost in the customs. As a member of the Tariff Committee he could tell them that that committee, led on by Mr Ward, had put on the necessaries of life' such taxation as was a scandal and disgrace to any Liberal party. Regarding the Oga^o Central railway, he said that things had come to a pretty pass when the Premier had to state what was not true in ord«r .to make his position good. In the Public Works Statement it was eaid , that sums had been spent on the line £32,273 in excess of the allocations, but - that statement was deliberately misleading and untrue. He quoted from returns to show that there > were unexpended allocations of £257,713 16* sd, and that of the authorised vote for 1891-94 there was £35,505 7s lid'unexpended, and be challenged the Premier to disprove these figures. The Premier had only carried on the work so as to stem back the unemployed difficulty, and without regard to the necessity of tapping Central Otago. If be had done justice to the line, the Premier would have spent the entire authorised vote, and if the Government had .been desirous of carrying the linn on it would have by now been to the Taieri Lake.—(A Voice: "They have done more thin any other Government yet.") If they were going on that principle they would be behind in the race with the northern members. The corrupting inSuence of the Government was felt throughout Parliament, and men were dragged at their tail because they felt that if they did not support the Government they, would not get votes for their districts, and thus measures were passed for which, the country had never declared, and which were supported by members who did not believe they were for the welfare of ■ the colony. It had been realised during the session that a crowd sat on the Treasury benches who were determined that men should crawl *t their heels or have nothing done for their districts.—(Cries of "No " and uproar.) It had been a' system of political bribery and corruption right through the session.—(Applause and hisses.) He was very strongly opposed to the proposed concessions to the Midland Company. On this question the Government had been beaten by a majority of six, but the Premier had the audacity to say he would bring it up again. Had this been attempted he (Mr Eamshaw) would have been prepared to stonewall until it was time for Parliament to meet again. As to the Licensing] Bill, he asserted that the Government were not sincere in attempting to pass the measure, as was shown by the fact that the Government whip was night after night stonewalling a policy measure. A short amending bill should, have been introduced. It would be better for the trade and better for the Temperance party that this question should be settled, so that it wonld not interfere with future elections. He had his own ideas with regard to the solution of this drink question, and though he had taken a side he was certain that in the end his views would come uppermost. One other question to which he wished to refer was the morality of the Government. Speaking of the Sergeant-at-Arms appointment he said that when the Premier sank so low as to evade an act of Parliament to serve a personal friend it was a bad day for the party he led—(applause) ,—and the speaker would strive to drive that officer from his1 position, and have it filled in accordance with law. Not only had the Government interfered with an office of honour and importance in the House itself, but right down to the very washerwoman it had been a question ef spoils to the victors. Not only by those acts, but by Cheviot, and from Teaneraki to Pomahaka the Liberal flag was smirched by the action of the Liberal Ministry. Regarding the Pomahaka purchase, he said he put the peg in somewhere between gross ignorance and criminality,, and declared that the report which was adopted by the committee on the subject was written by the defending counsel —(A Voice : " We've only your word:") He challenged them to read it and say whether his statement was not correct. And he knew of another instance of the same kind during the session, the member for Oamaru moving in the Railway Committee a resolution in connection with the Mokihinui-Cardiff case, in which the language was the language of the counsel of the West-port-Cardiff Company. It was such acts as these that were breaking up the Liberal party. If he could put the present Ministry off the benches to-day he would do it, for they had destroyed the trust of the people by their dishonourable action in many instances in the House. —(A Voice : " Oh! you're all alike."— Laughter.) If we were to progress, if the Liberal party Were to progress—(A Voice : " You have not the Liberal party behind you ") — we must have our hands clean. What was the use of their hoping for ideals and passing resolutions in their organisations if they were to be dishonoured in Parliament ? The only hope of the Liberal party was to show a nobler front and cleaner hands than auy other party, and as long as he was their member his hands would be clean.—(Applause.) He, challenged them, just as Mr Gladstone iu the Housk of Commons on a memorable occasion—(laughter and uproar)—thty might howl at Mr Gladstone, he did not—(appiause),—just as Mr Gladstone said, " From this arena I appeal ta a greater tribunal, and th»t is the people of England," so he appealed from his acts in Parliament to the people before h'm and asked them to give their free, untrammelled verdict

on his acts in Parliament, and on the conduct of the Administration.—(Loud applause.) Several questions were asked, but written questions were not accepted. In replying to questions, he said that though he was a republican while he lived under a monarchial form of government he was going to respect the Sovereign and to help to put down any man who showed disrespect As to the special train, the steamer had been detained till it mii-ped the ordinary toain. He had gone on to Aabburton by the ordinary train, where he was prepared to stop, but when a special train was* leaving he had come on by it. The Rev. Mr Wallace spoke strongly in favour of the motion, aud moved—" That this meeting heartily thanks Mr K&rashaw for his able, manly, and lucid address, approves of his parliamentary action during the past session, and expresses confidence in him' a8 theii representative." Captain Fox handed an amendment to the chairman, which was returned, the chairman declining to receive it unless it was proposed in the usual way. Mrs Trainor seconded and spoke in support of the mutinu moved by the Rev. Mr Wallace. Captain Fox tbeu moved as an amendment— "That Mr Jiarnshaw has not represented, and does not represent, the electors of the City of Diine'iiu, snd that we, as the electors—(A Voice : "Dfiukera." Loud laughter and applaune)—ask him to resign so tha* th« electors may elect some one who will bona full represent them " If Mr Kartishaw would resign his position he (Captain l'ox) would stand a«d figtifc him.—(Loud Uughter.) The Chairman: Give in t<\- amendment. Captain FuX: I honoured you once with ife 4 and I dicline to give ii to you again.— (Laughter.) Mr Baknshaw asked Captain Foz to hand up the aniendii'eut. Captain Fox: Mr EurnsUaw, I have heard nothing but egoticw from you the whole evening. I honoured the chairman by putting my amendment in hii hands, and he proved himerlf co be'such a pig—(roars of laugh fer)—that he had not the gentlemanly civility to take it.— (Laughter.) I would not touch him with a hop pule.—(Loud laughter.) Tha Chairman: I have no amendment placed iu my hands. An Elhctok in the body of the hall seconded the amendment. Mr A S. Adams protested against any ami-ndinent being put of which the chairman had not possession. Thn amendment was not put. On the motion being submitted to the meeting the bulk of tbose present did not vote. A considerable number of hands were held up in faveui of the motion and a fair number against it, and The (Toairsian declared the motion carried •almust unanimously. Mr Barnshaw, returning thanks, said he declined to contest any election with a brewer's aoiainee or any one representing the li^uo* trade. The meeting then terminated.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT18941108.2.32

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 10201, 8 November 1894, Page 4

Word Count
4,065

MR EARNSHAW AT THE CITY HALL. Otago Daily Times, Issue 10201, 8 November 1894, Page 4

MR EARNSHAW AT THE CITY HALL. Otago Daily Times, Issue 10201, 8 November 1894, Page 4

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