LORD CARRINGTON ON FEDERATION.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 8793, 1 May 1890, Page 4

LORD CARRINGTON ON FEDERATION.

At the opening of the session of the Sydney University, Lord Carrington in the course of his speech ou the occasiou said:—Perhaps, Me Chancellor, one of the most interesting points of your address was your reference to the women's college now in course of formation, which, I understand, is to be started on the same status as the other affiliated colleges. Professor Bryce, in his work on the American Commonwealth, has observed:—" Few things are harder to explain to a person who has not been a student at one of the ancient universities in England than the highly complex constitution and the relation of the colleges to the university—to tbo3e who have grown up under it nothing is more simple or more obvious." This is another hnppy instance of the combination of separate and corporate action which is the mainspring of our social, public, and political life, and we pee the latest example of it in thjs part of the world in the tefusal of New Zealand, at any rate for the present, to enter into Australian union. The refusal of New Zealand to join Australian UDion shows how universal this feeling of individuality is, and this liberty of thought and freedom of action of the component parts of the empire puzzles a European statesman, who declares that "England seems to rule her colonies by obeying thtm." As regards internal management this is true enough.—(Hear hear.). Colonists obtain the services of consular and diplomatic and military agents all over the world without contributing to their cost; the colonies make their own laws, and when they please they protect their own manufactures against British trade without the slightest interference. There are many who hops to see them go further still; to see all privileges and honours accorded to Englishmen all over the world, to see Australian judges on the Judicial Committee of the Prjvy Council—(hear, hear)— Australian barristers and solicitors free to practise in courts of law in England, and medical men educated in our university Ecbools able to follow their profeshion in England, and leading statesmen members of the Privy Council. In fact, so long as our happy connection lasts they, would gladly see the highest distinctions open to all parts of the English-speaking confederation.—(Cheers ) But the statesman knows well enough the reason why for over a century this country has been progressing in peace, and wbyits shores have never been threatened by foreign flags. He knows that " a lion hag stood in the path " of all those who would have meddled with, Australian territory or Australian liberties, and that lion is the lion of England. And here it is where the nationality of Britain comes in, and how the connection with England, which some seem to think is a danger to this country, has been its security in the past and- should be one of its safeguards in the future.—(Cheers.) "Unborn millions" will be able to take care of themselves, but so long as our present relations last, while wealth and population remain in their present proportion, the 36 millions who

inhabit the two islands in tho North Sea, with their great wealth and commerce, with their gigantic investments abroad, with their stupendous fleet, with their standing army of over 370,000 men, army reserve. 250,000 volunteers, 150,000 militia and yeomanry, and with tbeir power within six weeks easily to put into the field 1,000,000 fighting men (most of whom had already been through the ranks) could not submit to any interference as to when they should throw away the scabbard for the protection of any portion of the English-speaking confederation. They could never allow the protection ot one colony to be denied on thedemand of another. They would, for instance, never refuse assistance

to 'Australia because Canada did not see the ab-

solute necessity of it. And in the tame way, though it id outside the bounds of possibility that England and the United States should seriously quarrel over the right to secure a lady's sealskin jacket or a piece of boiled cod, yet if the necessity arose England would not wait for the consent of the Australasian group before she despatched the cruisers flying the white flag into the Bay of Fundy or the Behring Sea. — (Cheers and laughter.) At the present moment there is a splendid example of individual national action, backed up by the mother country, going on in South Africa. Cecil Rhodes, an old (Mora man—an old schoolfellow of my own, who rowed in the University eight—with the capital of the De Beer's mine at his back, has asked for a concession from King Lohengula to open up Matabeleland to white men. The Queen has granted a charter to this company, and my old friend and A.D.C., Major Gasgoine, Captain Ferguson, Surgeon Melladew, and Regimental Corporal-major White, all on the Royal Horse Guards, have been sent into the heart of this, eavage country as a mission by the Imperial Government to present a letter from her Majesty telling King Lohen to put all faith in Rhodes and Co. and to open up his country. This is said to be the greatest undertaking since the days of the old East India Company; and the Premier of the Cape Colony, recognising the humanising as well as the commercial value of this great work, said at Grahamstown " That tie Cape Government felt it their duty to join hear'i and hand in this noblo ontorpriGO." -Now, would England, with this great humanising enterprise on band, hesitate at once to warn off any interfering nation lest there should come objections from the other colonies—objections probably due to incomplete information. We have under God's blessing a great future before us all.—(Great cheeriDg.) Our existing British confederation is already three times as large as Europe; three times over, in revenue, bulk and population, it exceeds the United States of Northern America. In its bands largely lies the peace of the world. And yet there are some who will not leave well alone.—(Cheers.) Lord Wolseley, for instance, looks forward to the time when " heaven will send us a statesman wise enough to federate into one united empire all the lands which acknowledge as their sovereign." With all respect to the gallant general, are we not much better off as we are? I can't pretend to suggest who sends them, but are we not overdone with goodmeaning people who with their fads, theories and nostrums are much more likely to break us all up, and who by their interference with our collective individuality, which is our common strength, may ruin ua all. The Abyssinian, Chinese, Burmese, Indian, South African and New Zealand wars show that England fights for her colouies and dependencies; and not a shilling or a man will ever be asked for for her own defence. I trust to see Australian unity co as to see this country in the van of progress, strong enough in her unity to do her share of

the great work.—(Cheers.) When I look on this gathering of hardy young Australians I cannot get myself to believe that you would listen to the effeminate counsels of those who in time of trouble or of danger would keep you shivering in the background, claiming as your protection your numerical weakness and the "inoffensive isolation of an unoffending Australia" as a plea for your national existence. Sir Charles Dilke tells us that as it is, in the remote event of war you are already too strong to be touched as long as England is with you. Do not think for a moment that I am advocating the policy of brag, blow and bluster. But I believe in your veins runs the " crimson thread of kinship" handed down from the Royal Archers of Agincourt and from the Ironsides of Cromwell. I believe you are still of the old sturdy stock from which your forefathers spraDg, and that your university motto, so well paraphrased by the best colonist New South Wales has ever seen, Sir Alfred Stephen, is still true—

Changed are the skies j not so your ancient fame, Or pluck, or mind, which still remain the same. (Loud and continued cheers).

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—Mention is made in an English paper of a wool dealer, who, after losing his sight, became a better judge of wool than before, and during a visit to Melbourne in 1881 actually bought £130,000 worth of it, transacting all the business it involved, banking, exchange, shipping, &c, without the aid of a broker.