THE Otago Daily Times. "Inveniam viam out Faciam." DUNEDIN, MONDAY, MAY 1.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 1049, 1 May 1865, Page 4

THE Otago Daily Times. "Inveniam viam out Faciam." DUNEDIN, MONDAY, MAY 1.

The Ministerial memoranda published in another column, together with the despatch which appeared in our last issue, afford an instructive insight into the operations of the Governn ent since the meeting of the Assembly. It is to be doubted whether those who supported Mr Weld last session will be prepared for the action he has taken, or for the manner in which he has committed the Colony. It will be well for those who have any permanent interest in New Zealand to read the documents attentively. They will leave but one impression—that Mr Weld has involved himself in a thoroughly disastrous course He has neither carried out the policy enunciated by himself, nor that supported by any section of the Assembly. He seems to have arrived at the conclusion that his own policy could not be adhered to, and to have substituted for it one of a ruinous nature —one that must make the Colony more dependent than ever on the assistance of the Home Government, but which at the same time relieves the Imperial authorities from any claim for assistance which the Colony may make. Mr. Weld's policy in the Assembly was, that the Colony, for the future relying on its own resources, should undertake the entire responsibility of dealing with native matters. Against thi*, was the Auckland policy,of requesting the Home Government to intervene and to accept the aole charge of the suppression of the rebellion. The policy adopted by the House was substantial!}' that of Mr. Weld's, with the understanding that he was not unduly to urge it, but to wait before pressing for the departure of the troops, until the Colony should be able to spare them. The memorandum we published on Saturday was a more or less faithful reproduction of the policy which received the adhesion of the majority of the Assembly. It bears date the 30th December. The papers we publi.-.h today, are of three months later date; an examination of them shows that in tbe interval Mr Weld had discovered the fallacy of his previous policy,and that in the desire to cling to its shadow—the substance havin « departed—he has shown himself ready to place the Colony in a position in relation to the Home Country of an infinitely more disastrous nature than that of which he complains. Looked into narrowly, the real meaning of his last proposal, is neither more nor less than to make the Colony dependent upon subsidies from the Imperial Government. Mr Weld does not say this in so many words, but it is the only deduction that can be arrived at after a carefnl analysis of his statements, and those of b.l'3 colleague, the Treasurer. The chain of reasoning is very simple. Mr Weld proposes a plan which the facts he himself supplies, prove to be impossible, without extraneous assistance ; find that assistance the Treasurer asks for in the shape of pecuniary aid from the Home Country. Mr Weld proposes that the troops should be at once removed, and in their place a local constabulary' force of 1500 men be organised. Their cost, together with that of the Militia and Volunteers and of a steamer, he estimates at .£187,000 supposing he can enrol them from troops already here, and at £240,000—in case he has to raise them from the colonial p^ulation. The former contingency we may dismiss as improbable. It is unlikely he will be able to obtain men from the troops. They will be reluctant to undertake to do as 1500 men what 10,000 men have failed in performing. But in either case he much under estimates the expense. The coat of the Colonial forces hitherto, has been far in excess of the rate at which he makes his calculation. The very nature of the proposed force; its minute distribution and its heavy duties ; will make it a particularly costly one. The Otago police OF IRONMONGERY,

force, with ne operations in the field, no extensive distribution, and with duties very much more attractive than those that will devolve on Mr Weld's force, cannot be reduced below an average of about £200 per man, including officers. There is no reason to suppose that the cost of the force suggested by Mr Weld can be kept below £200 per man, or for the 1500 men, £300,000. Add to this the small estimate Mr Weld allows of .£60,000 for Volunteers, Militia, steamer, and contiugencies, and we have an annual charge of £360,000. But one has only to study the manner in which Mr Weld states that he intends to dispose of the force, and to remember the fanatical disaffection of the majority of the natives of the Northern Island, to arrive at the conclusion that the 1500 men will have to be largely increased, and that if the Colony .vere left to itself half a million a year would poorly provide the cost of the repression of native rebellion. The assertion that the force would not be required for more than four years is purely gratuitous, and worthy of no attention. If the Colony is to undertake a charge of this nature, it must make up its mind to continue it as long as necessary. But Mr Weld holds out the hope that the expense for four or five years can be defrayed out of the Three Million Loan. This is another fallacy. It is quite opposed to what every one knows to be the position of that loan; it is quite opposed to the financial statement made by Mr Weld's colleague in the House ; and, moreover, it is effectually contradicted by a statement of the Treasurer, dated three days after Mr Weld's memorandum. Mr Fitzherbert says, " after deducting the present large " payment [the .£500,000 to the Imperial " Government] the most sanguine calcui " lations, based upon an assumption thal " liabilities will almost immediately cease, " only show a possible remainder of the " Three Million Loan, barely adequate to " meet such expenditure as may enable " the Colonial Government to carry out " the outline of those precautionary mea- " sures of defence which prudence will " demand on the conclusion of five " years' warfare in a country of mixed " races." We forbear to comment upon the obvious contradiction; suffice it, that it i 3 worse than folly to suppose the Three Million Loan can be looked to as a source from which to defray the cost of the proposed Constabulary force. Then, in regard to the other resources of the Colony, Mr Weld tells us that shortly the interest and sinking fund on loans will amount to an annual charge of £200,000. The Customs Duties, be admits, are already too high, and will have to be reduced ; he will not touch the Provincial 3 Bths of the Customs, nor the Territorial revenue; he anticipates no return from the confiscated lands; in fine, he considers additional taxation will have to be resorted to, to meet the present current demands and the interest on existing Loans. The cost of the defence force whether it amount to £300,000 or £500,000. will have to be provided—will either have to be supplied by England, or the Colony will be ruined in furnishing it. We ask any one dispassionately to con-t-ider, whether New Zealand is in a position to add to it 3 present expenditure the cost of the proposed local force. Between the Colonyand ruin will simply interpose the subsidies which Great Britain may fling to it. This brings us to the starting point of our argument.. Mr Weld's proposal amounts to making the Colony ten times more dependeii' on the Imperial Country than ever. I Mr Weld so stupid as to suppose that the same argument which has been used iv regard to the troops, will not be used in regard to his local force? Does he think Parliament will annually vote money to the Colony, and not contend for the Imperial country having a potent voice in the Colonial policy ? Anything more childish it is difficult to imagine. Mr Weld would make the Colony a beggar at the Imperial door. lie will have released the Home Country from all responsibility ; its aid will henceforth be purely eleemosynary. A pensioner on Imperial bounty, tbe Colony will enjoy the veriest sham of independence—its inhabitants will be taxed to the last farthing they are able to contribute: the deficiency will be grudgingly flung to them. We do not purpose to consider whether —as civilians so freely state —the military authorities are all wrong, and that 1500 colonial constables can do more than 10,0 00 soldiers. But we say this: the experiment of colonial management which Mr. Weld has tried in Auckland since he has been in office, has proved a failure. Not only are the natives far more disaffected, but the military settlers are following suit. The state of the Northern Island now is such that General Cameron deems a reinforcement necessary. " A writer in the Sydney Herald describes the natives as far more rebelliously inclined than ever they have been before. It is madness in the colony to think it can cope with the difficulty. It is worse than madness for it to undertake such a responsibility on the mere hope of Imperial assistance, alter formally absolving the Home country from any obligation to render it. Mr Weld proposes a gigantic liability, before which the contribution asked for by the Imperial Government is trifling in the THE BALANCE !

extreme. There is but one end that can come of Mr Weld's proposals—taxation will go on till it will involve the confiscation of property, and then the best part of the Northern Island will have to be relinquished. We write this in no spirit of party hostility. Any one dispassionately taking the position of the colony into consideration, will arrive at the conclusion that what Mr Weld proposes must plunge it into ruin. We have not now space to enlarge on other points suggested by the memorandum. The course pursued by Mr Fitzherbert in sending home the £500,000 of debentures, and inviting the Home Country to cover them with a g uarantee —no doubt well meant—is a piece of sheer folly. We know what Guarantee Acts mean. Parliament passed one last sesssion, and left it to the Colony to approve. The Imperial Government is invited to pass an Act to protect itself; it will reproduce tbe one the Colony rejected—in other words it will make the , Loan a first charge on the Colonial revenues, ordinary and territorial. Parliament will say, and with a great show of truth, the debentures as sent home represent only a fraction of the debt. If the Colony will not give debentures negotiable at a price to cover its debt, it must pay in another shape—in the limitation of its borrowing powers. It would have been impossible for Mr Fitzherbert to have adopted a course which would more force on the Imperial Government the power of injuring the Colony. We will return to the subject on a future occasion.