THE CONFERENCE IN LONDON.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 780, 17 June 1864, Page 6

THE CONFERENCE IN LONDON.

(Prom the "Times."

In assenting to a Conference in London the two German Powers have redeemed the promise they made in the Note of the 31st of January, and have recognized the principles on which this country has insisted since the disputes. When their armies first entered Schleswig they jointly declared, in answer to our Government, that any settlement must be made after consultation with the Powers that were parties to the Treaty of 1852, and now by accepting the invitation of England, in opposition to the remonstrances and halfthreata of the minor States, they give proof that they are willing to restore to the King of Denmark the dominions which have been forcibly wrested fiom him by themselves and their angry countrymen. Lord Palmerston gave last evening a fair interpretation of what has passed when he said that " the only basis on which the Conference between the Powers that concluded the Treaty of 1852 can take place — especially after the declaration made by Austria and Prussia that they adhere to the Treaty of 1852, and after the declaration from France that she also considers that Treaty to be binding, and is favourable to the maintenance oi the integrity of the Danish Monarchy—is, of course, the basis of the Treaty of 1852, and we propose to make arrangements compatible with the maintenance of the integrity of the Danish Monarchy." It is, then, fair to hope that in a short time representatives of all the Great Powers will meet in London, and together with those of Denmark and Sweden will deliberate upon such a supplement to the Treaty of 1852 as will satisfy the reasonable demands of Germany, take away whatever real grievances can be adduced

by the inhabitants ot the Pu^hies, and maintain the Danish Monarchy io its former integrity. While we recognise in this conduct of the two German Powers a return to the principles of justice and political morality, and are therefore not inclined to complain more than is necessary of their past and present aggressions, we may yet ask what ad vantage they have gained by the invasion of Schleswig, or hope to gain by the occupation of Jutland. Suppose them to do all that they wish—to force the lines at Diippel, to expel the Danes even from Alsen, to drive them off the seas by AustroPrussian squadrons,—in what respect will they be in a better position to negotiate than when they were south of the Eider ? After all, the public opinion of Europe is too strong to be disregarded, and they find that in spite of great and undeserved successes they can gratify neither their own love of conquest nor the animosities of the German Democrats. The King of Denmark, though holding only a few square miles of the Duchies, and, though powerless to defend his own continental dominions, will enter the Conference unconquered, because his rights are recognised by every Power that sends a representative to the Board. The allies will, at a great expense and by considerable bloodshed, have established for themselves a military position in a district which they are bound to leave, and will have goined the physical power to enforce changes from which they have promised to abstain. Their situation would have been more free and more dignified if they had never struck a blow, but had joined the Conference armed with the promise of Denmark to withdraw the Constitution, and the assurance of England that the cessation not only of this grievance, but of every other, would be insisted upon by the British Government. As it is, the allies have plunged into war, and perpetrated the odious and indefensible act of seizing a province as a material guarantee ; they have exposed themselves to the charge of attacking the weak; they have excited general sympathy for their enemy; they have lost, probably, five thousand of their own soldiers, and have set themselves the difficult task of driving the Danes out of a strong line of works, —and all that they may begin the discussion of a political question with the embarassment which follows an indecisive war.

But if the position of the two Powers is not improved with respect to Denmark and the neutral States, it is on the other hand made far more uneasy as regards Germany. From the beginning it has been evident that these two Powers have been swayed by opposing impulses—one the desire to do nothing that might weaken the Conservative principle in Europe, and the other the fear of losing popularity and influence by appearing to be indifferent or hostile to the wishes of the people. So strong have been these two feelings that they have united the former rivals, just as another similar impulse has caused the petty jealousies of the minor kingdoms to subside for a while. Austria and Prussia thought that their most politic course was to satisfy the multitude by giving it a battle or two on Danish ground, and to make use of the reputation for patriotism thus gained to put down the pretensions of the minor States, and let them know that, Diet or no Diet, the Great Powers are determined to be masters of German politics. They seem to have thought that they would not have the moral influence to check the Federal vagaries in Holstein, to dismiss the Prince of Augustenburg, and to settle the questions bequeathed by the late Ring of Denmark to the new, in a manner befitting moderate and Conservative Powers, unless they made a display of warlike vigor. But the results are such as must undeceive them. It cannot be doubted that Austria and Prussia would have found it much easier to quiet Germany a month ago than now. If they had occupied the line of the Eider, kept the Federal corps within bounds, and then accepted the concessions of Denmark and the guarantee of England, their retreat from an untenable position would have been more graceful than now that they have to restore two Duchies instead of one. By the events in Schleswig, the German expectations have been raised to their height. The discontented party in the Duchy, which was somparatively small, has been encouraged to display itself and affect to represent the whole population. Every Democrat in Germany believes that the Duchy has now thrown off the Danish yoke; that the whole people have elected the Augustenburg as their Duke; and that it will be the height of cruelty and injustice to place them again under the rule of Copenhagen. So far from the minor Powers losing their influence with the nation through the late I exploits of the Austro-Prussian army, they ! are encouraged by the state of pnblic feeling to be more clamorous and defiant than ever. The victories of the allies, and even the levelling of the famous Dannewerk, do not conciliate the multitude nor daunt the Princes. Their politicians, with the obstinate and restless Baron Beust at their head, are declaiming and threatening ; the resolutions of the Wiirzburg Conference would threaten immediate war among a hastier people. While the allies are breaking through all • public law in order to conciliate Germany, Prussia is obliged to address strong language to Saxony, and even, it is said, to menace the occupation of her capital. Thus the Fatherland has been brought to the verge of civil war by the very expedient which it was expected would restore harmony. The allies have done evil that good might come, and of the evil only worse evil has arisen.

As to the minor States, we cannot suppose that in their present temper they will consent to be present at the London Conference, and as they can, no doubt, still obtain a majority in the Diet, the assent of the Confederation can hardly be counted upon. It is well known that the exclusive right} to decide upon the succession is claimed for the Diet by Bavaria and other States, which will make every resistance to the appointment of a represen- ! tative. Yet the assent of the two chief Powers and perhaps the temptation of being able to disturb the deliberations and defeat the objects of the Conference, may induce the Diet to make an appearance. With respect to Denmark, we are told that the Government of Copenhagen wishes to be allowed to postpone its decision for some time, owing to local considerations, meaning, of course, the war. The Danes probably think the successful defence of their new positions may give them a higher standing in any deliberations than if tney joined the Conference with their late retreat still fresh in the minds of their neighbors. The main point, however, has been gained in the assent of the Great Powers, with whom the decision really rests. j

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