WORLD OF WORK

NZ Truth, Issue 605, 20 January 1917, Page 8

WORLD OF WORK

PITHY POINTS FOR PROLETARIAN PLUGS

BY "HONESTAS"

For some time prior to Christmas, wild rumors were flying round the country to the effect that as soon as the Government attempted to put m force the Conscription Act, a national strike would be proclaimed. "Honestas" fancies the Government lent a too long ear to the unfounded statements, and that certain subsequent actions of the authorities were the outcome of this "nervy" condition of the powers that be. With the rumors of strikes there were other rumors which told of the making of batons, the enrolling of "specials," the bringing into various parts and premises likely to be affected m our cities, particularly m Wellington, of jnachlne-guns, and of other preparations on the part of the powers that be to cope with any trouble that might arise. Of course, all these rumors didn't spring out of nothing. Where there's smoke there's fire. It is a matter of history that certain Labor leaders asserted that conscription once enforced, they would "be unable to hold backthe "rank and file" from rebelling, that is, "downing tools" or doing something else of a drastic nature. Certain members of the Government — cobbers of Mr. Massey, members of the Old Gang of Square Dealers — let it be bruited abroad that if anything 'in the nature of an industrial upheaval did occur "Herdie's" heavy hand would come down hard. "Honestas" has not the slightest doubt that on both sides there was little desire for the things rumored to be brought into being. One or two hot- heads and pig- heads may have desired to see a conflict, but 99 per cent, of .the whole thing was bluff. The hints of strikes were so much bluff. The threats of reprisals were the Government's bluff, m order to stave off the strike or strikes. Then, at last, as some of the pacifists publicly declared their opposition to conscription, the Government, fearing their bluff was going to fail in^its purpose, did use the strong hand, and m doing so, "calls the bluff" of the others. Now we have the "excuse" given by some who were loudest m their threats of a strike, that the action of the Government m imprisoning certain of their leaders Is to force them into a fight-

"for which they are unprepared." Thus they excuse their inaction while their leaders are m prison. The fact is Labor must have no more to do with men who try to "carry on" by moans of "bluff." A lot of this commodity was used m the past. .It brought about the fiasco In connection with the Auckland laborers' trouble, which preceded and, m reality, precipitated the Waihi strike of disastrous memory, m which also, "bluff" played a large part. "Bluff" is played out. Anyone with even a minimum of comxnonsensQ might have seen from the first what would be the outcome of all the tall-talk. The Labor movement m God's Own is not sufficiently well organised, Isn't sufficiently cohesive, hasn't the- necessary funds to put up a lengthy fight, even with the small shop-keeper class m sympathy. How-, then, could It be expected to put up a fight such as would have been necessary at this juncture m order to bring about the repeal of conscription? It is torn into sections; it has little or no funds; the shop-keeping class is opposed to it; and the great muss of Its own members have sons or fathers fighting at the front. All these things make a successful strike at the present Juncture Impossible. Tho workers themselves know it; their leaders — that is those possessed of any sagacity — know It, and the employers know it. No, such strikes an* no use to Lubor. The time to attack the compulsion question -was when the Bill was before the House. Had thi?> been done a referendum might havo been obtained. and with that granted, there would have been little doubt of the result. As it is, Labor has been caught napping. It must wako up and «et rid of the "bluffers" and organlne on proper linos for future action m defence of Uk leglilmato rights.

Something over iivnny years ni;<> "Honealus" was icsldinif m London. and while there he wan introclueeil to Harry Gosling, by thut now burnt -otu political lire-brand, bwu: Mitchell, whom John Burun afterwards hotativl or foisted into the • firltihh Hoard of Trude Labor Department. Then (Josling was a very mild form <>f Uib.c man. The proptujamta «>f the M< P. an! tho "Merrio England" ot Uobr.vi Uhttcliford, had rouwd (!»•*■ workers from Lund's 12nd to Lerwkk. unu the old unionism of which Uo.'Oln^ wu.s n product, wmj quickly p'tsitltiK oul, but llnrry hesltulod to c;«H m his lot with tho militant Left Wing uf Lubor, a* it was then called. Uv wan afraid that If he dropped the IHlle bone h«.t h«U. tho Booming big one that, wa* sticking out m his direction. miirhL after all.

prove but a shadow. So Harry did not get into Che first line of attack just then. Nevertheless he has done good work on the London C.C., for many years as a Progressive. He was president of the Trades Union Congress last year, and delivered an able address. In this address he suggested that one way to bring about lasting industrial peace would be to give the workers a share m the control of the business they operate. Harry asserts that he 'has evolved a scheme m his mind, but toe doesn't want to tell it just jet, because the principle € might be lost sight of m arguing over details which do not matter one way or the other. If Harry waits till such a possibility is removed, then hls^ precious scheme for insuring industrial peace will »be stillborn. .; : -

It ought not to be difficult m any establishment to devise a method by which differences between the employer and the employed can be nipped In the bud, as it were, and settled before they reach the stage when, as now happens, a dispute having become acute, a strike Is threatened. ' ' '

If "it ought not to be difficult" to do this thing, what have Harry Gosling and his pals been doing all the years they have been paid leaders of Labor? Attempt after attempt to achieve that which Gosling thinks should be easily accomplished have failed. Of course, that does not imply that every future effort will fail. It merely points, to. the fact that the thing after all is not so easy as .Harry is trying to persuade folk he thinks it is. He says:

Machinery for dealing with grievances once set m motion should always be kept going so that grievances can be adjusted as they arise, whether those grievances are large or small— l have often found that serious disputes arise from small, rather than large, grievances. As things now stand labor troubles, are finally settled only by a strike, or by some form of conciliation and arbitration. But conciliation or arbitration is only resorted to when the dispute has come to a head, not at the beginning of the trouble. Now, how much better would it be for all concerned, for the welfare of the country as a whole, if strikes or lockouts were" avoided; if masters and men could under some well-thought-out scheme, discuss together the grievances as they arise, and settle them as they arise! •

This surely contains something of a paradox. Harry postulates tfhat what is wanted is a scheme which will ensure lasting industrial peace between employers and employees. Then he suggests the setting up of certain machinery, which, he says:

Once set m motion should always be kept going.

Does this not seem an admission that industrial peace is impossible, since the crop of workers' grievances will be so persistent that the machinery to deal witfa them must "bo kept going?" The idea of the workers consenting to take part m the "control" of concerns In which they are employed, as a means of bringing about industrial peace is too Innocent even from a bird of Harry's feather. What control could the workers have that they have not now, or may now have, through their industrial organisations? All control they could have would be agreeing to what percentage of the wealth resultant from their labor should go Into their employers' pockets, and what portion they should retain as wages. Do they not do so now— according to their industrial and economic strength? "Honestas" cannot help thinking that his old friend, Gosling, has set out on a' wild-goose .chase, and Is likely to come back with, sore limbs and en empty bag. To bring about permanent industrial peace, we must first determine what is the cause of the dlspeace. Probed to the bed-rock the one permanent and perplexing irritant is •exploitation. To cure the disease, we must remove the cause. Peace, and exploitation of proletarians cannot coexist on the industrial field. Peace will enter our factories and workshops only when, and after, the exploiter has been exorcised. "Honestas" is disappointed m Alderman Gosling. But th<jn why should 'he? Age. as a rule, doesn't bring such birds wisdom. What the Gosling becomos, that, it seems, Harry is.