The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1921. PACIFIC PROBLEMS

New Zealand Times, Volume XLVII, Issue 10965, 29 July 1921, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1921. PACIFIC PROBLEMS

Ifc is good to learn that the convenience of the Dominion Premiers has been met by agreement to hold at once a Pacific Conference in London as a preliminary to the Disarmament Conference of the Allied and Associated Powers which President Harding has invited to meet at Washington T>n November 11th. It would be practically impossible for the Dominion Premiers, except perhaps the Premier of Canada, to attend the November Conference, for their presence is urgently required in their own countries, where the world-wide monetary stringency is giving rise to economic and financial problems that will require to be dealt with promptly and in statesmanlike fashion. Since the success or otherwise, of the Disarmament Conference undoubtedly depends upon a solution of the defence and other problems of the Pacific being first arrived at, and since Australia and New Zealand are so intimately, so vitally, concerned in these Pacific problems, it was essential that Mr Massey and Mr Hughes, at all events, should have an opportunity of placing their , views in regard to them very fully before those who are likely to be the final arbiters on the disarmament question. The basic principle of a “White Australia’’ and a “White New Zealand” will, unquestionably, he strongly stressed l>y our respective Premiers at this preliminary conference. This is absolutely fundamental. From our point of view, and from that of the Empire ns a whole, it is a principle that’ must not for a moment be lost sight of; and it is all to the good that at this preliminary conference the other Dominion Premiers will be present to back up our own Prime Ministers in regard to it. We are glad to note tjiat Mr Arthur Meighen, the Canadian Premier, is standing by so as to become conversant with the latest developments on the question before hurrying home. It was not, at the time of writing, yet decided whether America will be represented at the London Conference. There seems to be a certain amount of apprehension lest the fear that it may to some extent take the shine out of the bigger conference at Washington may prevent the United States representatives discussing first in London the questions affecting the Pacific. It is to bo hoped, however, that no such quite uncalled-for feeling of jealousy will weigh so seriously as that with President Harding and his advisers. We cannot believe that it will. For, were they to allow it to do so, they would at once brand themselves as small-minded in the extreme, and utterly unfitted to take part at a grave crisis like this, in an earnest, whole-hearted attempt, such as we are convinced President Harding wishes to see, to put a stop to tho mad race of armaments and secure lasting peace for a sorely-distracted world. Wo sincerely trust that the representatives of the United States will meet our Empire Premiers in London, and discuss with them and with the others 'concerned, the problems in which Australia and New Zealand aro so very deeply interested. Both Mr Massey and Mr Hughes would gladly welcome tho oj>portunity of endeavouring to persuade America of tho desirability of so extending the Monroe Doctrine as to cover the principle of a “White Australasia.” Colonel Harvey, tho United States Ambassador in London, line intimated to the British Government America’s willingness to hold a preliminary Pacific Conference, either in Washington or in a neutral country. He has also pointed out that the choice of November 11th for the main conference w->- ’ on sentimental

grounds; and any other date will do. But time presses ; the Dominion Premiers are already in London, Colonel Harvey himself, and the diplomatic representatives of the other Powers concerned aro also in London; and, under the circumstances, America, surely, may he trusted to recognise that the main thing is to hold the Pacific Conference when and where the Dominion Premiers can be present. We fully expect, therefore, that the United States will prove as accommodating as in regard to the date of the Washington Conference; and agree that for the preliminary meeting, Washington, a neutral country, or “any other place/' will do. The greatthing is that tho meeting shall be held and an agreement arrived at. It matters nothing where the meeting is held. Still loss does it matter, as an Imperial Minister remarked on Monday, whether it be called a conference or a “pow-wow”; a conversation, an exchange of views, or anything else. Meantime, it has not yet been definitely and officially notified whether Japan is to be represented at the main Disarmament Conference or not. But that she will be represented there may be taken as a foregone conclusion. Japan is understood to have received a reassuring reply from the United States as to the objects of tho Far Eastern Conference, and Japan’s final decision was contingent upon her obtaining such an assurance. It is believed, also, that Japan has been assured by her Allies that the conference will in no way he directed against Japanese interests. Viscount Kato, moreover, has, with the approval of the Japanese Premier (Mr Ilara) made (to the Chicago “Tribune’s” Tientsin correspondent) a statement intimating that, while the Japanese naval authorities consider two squadrons as a necessity, the framers of the eight-and-eight 1 programme (eight battleships and eight cruisers) did not have in mind any probable enemy. They only knew that the financial ability of Japan permitted such a programme, whereby Japan could be. depended on in any emergency arising in the Far East alone. Viscount Kato declared, further, that nothing was more absurd than the propaganda that Japan would attempt to compete with the United States Navy. Japan would gladly participate in the Disarmament Conference, “although,” he added, “our relatively inferior navy cannot lead the way in - reduction. I, therefore, would not insist upon a complete eight-and-eight programme under certain circumstances.” The way has also been cleared by the statement made by the Chinese Foreign Minister, Dr Yen, that China does not propose to enter the Far Eastern Conference with the primary intention of bringing up questions involving her relations with individual nations, but she will seek recognition of general principles applicable to individual nations in future Pacific problems. China does not want special privileges, but only a fair opportunity.