The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1916. IRELAND

New Zealand Times, Volume XLI, Issue 9417, 2 August 1916, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1916. IRELAND

For the Sinn Fein rebellion there is no shadow of a possible excuse- It was a gross blunder and a grievous crime. It has been suppressed, or is being suppressed, we cannot at the present moment undertake to say which. And that emphasises the real point of the whole situation, which is the radical and careless ineptitude of the Castle system. Under that system Ireland has been misgoverned with deplorable impartiality for many generations. Seventy years ago, when men and' woAen' were dying of hunger, the Castle. with a smile on its stupid face and a blood-stain-ed hand on the place where a heart is, found in the ordinary human anatomy, declared there was no famine at all- To-day we are perplexed by the consequences of .a rebellion which this same Castle pronounced to be impossible. Between the two declarations there is the bond of blunder, ineptitude, stupidity, and bad motive. For the fact is the Irish Castle has never had anything but a bad motive. Governments have succeeded one another on the Thames; every on© has trusted the Castle; and every one has been misinformed, misled, hoodwinked, by the stupidest and most malignant thing in creation. Viceroys • and Chief Secretaries come and go, and nearly all of them have had the ambition to do wel\ But the stupidity and malevolence of the Castle have always been too much for them. Disgust, disappointment, disillusion are the three things the Castle gives them, with a consistency which is the most remarkable of its characteristics. The main fact of modern Dish history is that the stupidity and malevolence of the Castle are the main cause of Irish discontent, in fact the sole cause. But for the Castle system, Ireland would long ago have been the most contented aa well as the ablest part of the Empire.' v The Binn Feiners have played into the handls of this dreadful Castle. On the one hand, their senseless rebellion has proved the ineptitude of the Castle in a way so striking that it is impossible for the Castle system to continue for five minutes. No one anywhere would, after such a revelation, endure the thought of the Castle system. On the other hand, their rebellion has given the Castle hangers-on and their benighted political friends a weapon they aro using against the loyal majority of the Irish people. That is the absolutely unpardonable crime of the Sinn Fein. The worst part of it is that the leaders of the loyal majority are going out of their way to save the Sinn Feiners from the consequence of their follv. Mr Dillon, speaking for clemency to them in the Commons, -was actually insulted by a membei ruffianly enough to interject that Mr Dillon seemed to regret the Binn Feiners had not succeeded. Mi Dillon promptly denounced the interjection as an “infamous falsehood,” and both Speaker and House showed their sense of the infamy of the interruption by making neither remark nor interference. They recognised tho right of a loyal citizen to be angry under such the sort of provocation, the Castle has offered all generations of Irishmen since its unfortunate creation. Unconstitutional, responsible to no authority, ignorant of everything in the country it rules, devoid of human sympathy blind to all principles, routine and details of duty, the Castle has obstructed Irish rights and provoked Irish feeling for generations. The institution has a special hatred to Homo Rule. The Home Rule chiefs have offered the Government for tho war the best there is in Ireland ; they have been the strongest supporters of recruiting, their loyalty has been whole-souled, comprehensive, and influential. These things have been denounced by Sinn Fein orators

and writers and propagandists for mouths past, as the measure of their disioyaity to Ireland. otanding tor a separate nag, they nave outrageous-, iy and consistently abused the Home rimers, wno stand for me flag of Empire. iet the irony oi rate requires Urem to be involved in tne ou.uin wL'ich is the rich dessert of the misga.ued and credulous fciinn Fein.

The infamous falsehood of me member who taunted Mr .Union with supporting these reOels is, we h'bpe, rare, unfortunately it is impossiule to say that it is. It is certain that th«, generosity of the Home Rule chiefs in urg.ng clemency for me misguided rank and tile of the rebel party which denounces tnem habitually as traitors, is misunderstood, and the signs are tnat me misunderstanding will be spread. That i» a possihility truly tragic. Unfortunately me Uov eminent handles the situation with ineptitude equal to the worst days of the Castle. To begin with there is the extraordinary issue of the Home Rule negotiations nuioh discovers the Home -Rulers protesting against a radical change in tne agreement without consultation with them. That may be anything vve prefer to believe, and we do be lievo, that it is simply ineptitude, stupidity. folly, the qualities foremost lo> years in tne English government of Ireland, and prominent now. Again, take the case of the murder by Captain ColthUrst of Mr Sheeny Skelfiuguin and the two journalists. There was no defence. Tho three were arrested by some zealous soldier or policeman on no charge, without any statement ol even suspicion, taken to Portobello barracks and confined for the night by rignt of violence alone; haled out in the morning without trial of any kind, and snot. One of these was taking practical steps to prevent looting, and another was a consistent opponent in public print of the Sinn Fein and rebellion, a strong Home Ruler and a powerful advocate of recruiting for the firmer-line. The only possible defence was the insanity of the offieei who committed these atrocious and most dangerous murders- It was insanity. The man was not too insane to command a company of troops in the field but he had not sense enougn to be hanged. Quite possibly the man was not responsibly. .It is not too probable, however. But granting the msanity of the man to the hilt, what can be tho effect on the great majority of loyal Irishmen? Here is where you want tho best handling But these three murdered men bad been buried many days befere the Prime Minister of Great Britain heard a whisper of it. That came out under Mr Dillon’s questioning very clearly on the floor of the House of Commons. And this after the Castle system had ceased under stress of rebellion. "What will men say but that tho wretched ineptitude survives as large as ever. The position is very serious. The question obtrudes itself obstinately of •‘How is Ireland to be governed < The first answer that comes with even greater force is that it cannot be by coercion. The crime of coercing a loyal majority because a minority has been disloyal would outrage humanity and draw protests from every part of the Empire. The only answer to tho question is that, if the government permanently, as arranged ’ of Ireland by Irishmen is not possible for the moment the system of governing Ireland temporarily must be devised in consultation with Irishmen, to be established and controlled in full daylight. The best sign is that Mr Redmond is hopeful. He said in the debate in the Commons that . there would never now be civil war in Ireland; that when tho time was ripe nil -differences would— be. peacefully- settled; that we are passing through a- transition neriod, and the goal ot a united Ireland, whereto Sir E., Darson nr I himself had turned, would be reached, please God# ,?oU2ii ~m e ~ thods of peace and amity. The times are certainly troublous. But this is the way to speak of them. If they are dealt with in that spirit, all will be well.