The New Zealand Times. SATURDAY. DECEMBER 20, 1913. THE FUTURE OF LIBERALISM

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXVII, Issue 8609, 20 December 1913, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. SATURDAY. DECEMBER 20, 1913. THE FUTURE OF LIBERALISM

Is there a place for Liberalism in. the future political life of this country? If we were prepared to believe the Tory press, we would be impelled to the saddening conclusion that there is not. But the Tory press, on this particular question, is neither a reliable authority nor a trustworthy guide. With the newspapers that are arguing that Literalism as a political force has ceased to exist, the wish is unquestionably father to the thought. It would admirably suit the designs of the party of wealth and monopoly if Liberalism would quietly and meekly submit to its own extinction. However, such a contingency is not only unthinkable hut is utterly opposed to popular sentiment and intention. There is a weightier responsibility resting upon the Liberal party to-day than at any particular period in our previous history. Not only is the record of twenty odd years of achievement imperilled, through the establishment of class ascendancy, hut the inalienable rights of the people that have been won by continuous and strenuous Literal effort are further endangered by the conflict that is being waged on. behalf of the two extremes of class privilege. On the one hand, the class representing wealth has seized control of the governing machine, and on the other the class representing Labour solely is fighting for the possession of power. In the Tory newspapers, the argument is being employed that Liberalism must extinguish itself as a party and accept a humiliating position at the hoeis or one. faction or tho other. But it may

fairly bo risked to what end? If the party in power stands for Toryism, and its ])ersonncl and record prove conclusively that it docs, there can be nothin" in common between itself and Liberalism. In this country, as well as in the older world, Toryism has proved itself to bo the relentless and uncompromising opponent of progress and constitutional liberty. It lias fought the loaders of the Liberal party step by step, with stern antagonism and bitter animosity, in opposition to the great work of democratic reform and advancement. The recent session has furnished illuminating examples of its reactionary determination, the hands of the clock having already been moved backwards, while there is grave menace to the cause of popular liberty and progressive achievement in its continued existence in, power. How would it be possible for Liberalism, in the face of its history and experience, to associate itself with its traditional antagonist in the fight for reform? The alternative offered to the Liberals, but certainly not the only one open to them, is to unite their forces with a party that, under the guidance of unreflecting and ignorant leaders, is fighting for the supremacy of Syndicalism. So far as the aims of the Labour party are democratic, and so far also as that party is prepared to employ constitutional moans to achieve for the masses of the people those rights to which they are entitled, the sympathies of Liberalism must necessarily ho with Labour. Indeed, it was in earnest and hearty co-operation with Labour that the Liberal administration of the last twenty years was maintained and a magnificent record of democratic achievement accomplished. If, however, the extreme section of Labour that is now promoting |i propaganda of Syndicalism is to prevail, and is to direct the operations of organised Labour, tho inevitable consequence will he to alienate the sympathy and support of every sincere Liberal. Tho only sound basis on which the two parties can work earnestly together is that of tho common good. If the militant section of Labour is out for tho destruction of the social system, and is intent only upon tho ascendancy of its own class to tho disadvantage of all other sections of the community, it must necessarily come into conflict with Liberalism which stands uncompromisingly for tho principles of equal right and equal opportunity. However, whatever may be tho aims of the extremists on tho side of Labour, wo do not believe that they represent tho sentiments and -convictions of tho masses of the workers who have hitherto been loyal to tho principles of true Liberalism. It is preposterous to argue that the Liberal party, which for centuries has waged a successful war in the cause of social progress, popular liberty, and constitutional freedom, has outlived its period of usefulness. There still lies before it an immense amount of valuable work to ho done. If this is to ho accomplished by Liberalism, it must not bo by the extinction of the party, or by a fusion with the following of either side, but lather by working out its own destiny by firm and consistent adherence to democratic principles and to the traditions that have been made glorious by the record of the past. The spirit of opportunism has insidiously crept into our political life to such an extent that it has almost completely obliterated party lines. These party linos must ho re-established so that the people may bo able clearly to distinguish who are fighting for class advantage and who are arrayed together in tho cause of the people as a wholeIt cannot bo supposed that for the sake of political advantage Liberalism can sacrifice any part of the principles which it so dearly cherishes and for tho supremacy of which it exists and labours. Whether it returns to office as the governing power, or whether it continues in tho cold shades of opposition, it must continue to be opposed to everything in tho way of class privilege and ascendancy, whether this advantage is enjoyed by wealth and monopoly on the one side or by the Syndicalists on the other. Every avenue to progress and liberty must continue to be open. In these advanced times, it is impossible to tolerate the erection of the barriers of class privilege which can only tend to create injustice, penalise progress, and promote stagnation. There cannot be anything in common in this country between Liberalism and Toryism. On tho other hand, there is no reason whatever why moderate Labour, ignoring the inflammatory propaganda of irresponsible demagogues, who are .more intent upon fomenting class hatred and creating industrial strife than upon the ultimate welfare of their own class, should not continue to cooperate in the cause of democratic progress and tho betterment by constitutional methods of the conditions of the whole of the people.