The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1910. IMPERIAL FEDERATION

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 7318, 23 December 1910, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1910. IMPERIAL FEDERATION

Whatever meaning may be attached by different people to any proposal that may come before the Imperial Conference for "giving the oversea Dominions some share in the control of Imperial affairs," the ultimate object of all such proposals must be the federation of the Empire with a paper constitution. At present the Empire is federated in the sense that the States stand together under the flag. But.the bond that holds them together is informal, and there is much talk about the substitution of something formal on linos which may be expected to develop into the final federation of States, autonomous, and at the same time working under a federal control of their common affairs. At the outset, then, it .is 'well to consider what this federation is to be, whether it j 'vs at present feasible, and whether the time has come for forcing progress in the .direction' of ‘formality. Of these, the first question is perhaps the most necessary. ' Nobody, we may take it for granted, either in Britain or the self-governing Dominions, would for one moment tolerate the entry of, the Crown Colonies and of the great dependency of India into the federation. These are the subject States of Britain, and when Britain develops into a constitutional" federation, they will become the subject States of the federation. Governed dependencies they are, and governed dependencies they must continue to he. In that sense these States will be of the Empire, as they are now. The idea of equality raises too many insoluble problems to be for one moment entertained. For the present it is 1 a a rdly necessary to ask whether such /©deration as is here contemplated. is feasible* for the reason that all practical people are agreed that it is not at present in eight of practical politics. That a united Empire, in which Britain ruling the Crown .Colonies and India stands on something like equal terms of power with the self-governing Dominions while paying the lion/s share of the cost of Imperial defence, is an anomaly from the constitutional point of view is certain. But the essence of the position is that for the present it passes the wit of man to devise any substitute which shall not present greater anomalies. It is imperative therefore, that we wait for developments. Fortunately the bond of uniqn is strong enough to stand the strain of delay. In other words, there is no present need to force, the pace of development.

Tire question is important, as the world is full of people talking rather wildly of the necessity for doing something definite to strengthen the bond of union by giving it formal limits of powers and responsibilities. Out of the ruck we select for first mention- the resolution of the Colonial Institute calling upon the Prime Minister—Mr Asquith—to put on the Agenda Paper of the Imperial Conference “The question of securing I‘pr the oversea Dominions a real effective share in the responsibilities of Empire.” What is a real and effective share? Sir Wilfrid Ljjorier once threw light on the question: “Of course if our future military contribution were to be considered compulsory, I would eay to Great Britain Tf you want to help us you can call us to your Councils/ ” Happily the aspect, which at first sight appears hopeless, is changed by another saying of Sir Wilfrid's to the effect that the dominions over tho sea may be relied on to do voluntarily all that may bo necessary without conditions of trade preference or military command. Moreover, there is behind this statement of the Canadian Premier tho fact that the Dominions actually did all things necessary when the time of need came. This, however, brings us no nearer agreement on the meaning of a real and effective

share. Spain once Rave Cuba a real share in the federation of Spain and the Spanish colonies, by granting thirty scats in the Cortes to tho representatives of Cuba. But the share ■was, not efiective for the protection of Cuban interests, because all the patronage in Cuba vent to Spanish grandees, and all the interest of all tho loans raised for the subjugation of Cuba were charged against the revenues of Cuba. We know 1 how tie end came at tho close of last! century. Tho moral is that until the centres of population move outwards to tho Dominions there can be no formal federation.

Between this complete formality anfl the present state of things is there any possibility of finding a stage intermediate? A permanent Imperial Council sitting in London for advisory purposes has been suggested, and such, a body might be effective without, possessing any of the reality of power. It would at least bo effective as an authoritative expression of the views of the informal, but by no means sleeping, partners in the Imperial union. A proposal has been made for the establishment of an intermediate stage going further than the consultative degree. Its author is a Mr Roberts, and its scope embraces an Imperial Cabinet composed of the British Cabinet and members chosen by the Dominions in any manner they may think best. The members of the British Cabinet axe to be in the majority so that the interest of the predominating partner may bo predominant. This, of course, takes the bottom out of the scheme. But it is worth while nevertheless to glance at the details. The British Cabinet members are to bo changed with every change of Government, and the Dominion Parliaments can d<> the changing on thoir side- in similar fashion in any way they like, and nothing that may be resolved upon by the Imperial Cabinet can become law except by the vote of the British Parliament. There is provision for taking the votes of the Dominion legislatures also., but non© for dealing with the difficulty of difference between them and the House of Commons. It is argued that the process of deliberation by this composite body. will remove all party confusions and secure on great v questions & wonderful and unprecedented unanimity—which, is nonsense, Moreover, the nonsense is made all the greater by the claim that in some way the now thing will neutralise the machinations of the Irish Nationalists in the House of Commons, and frustrate their anti-imperial .tricks. The acme of absurdity is reached* when' the Dominions or© asked to accept the lead of the Unionist party in this matter. They are coolly informed that this party is the only safe guide in all Imperial questions. 'The essay of this Mr Roberts has been printed with a Unionist flourish of trumpets, which ought not to retard its progress to the one place for which it is fit, namely the waste paper' basket of politics. The scheme it offers is a complicated mass of absurdities, out of which there is no outcome of reality, and certainly none of efecipney, except it be Id the direction of obstruction from endless deadlock. At best the scheme ia puerile; at worst it is a Bedlaimite method of “finoodlinir” the Parliaments of Britain and Greater Britain. To send such a precious document, out here for the cozening of public opinion is mere effrontery. There being no other proposal for intermediate grappling with the situation, that for a consultative council has the best claim for consideration. It is the one thing adapted to the constitutional position, but even this matter has yet to be discussed in the light of definite proposals..