The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1910. THE VETO CONFERENCE

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 7264, 21 October 1910, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1910. THE VETO CONFERENCE

Tho proceedings of the Veto Conference continue to "be surrounded by a halo of mystery, and not unnaturally there is much curious and anxious surmise in. Liberal and Tory camps as to what, if anything, has been or is being done to arrive at an amicable and politically honourable understanding between tho two parties on the much vexed question, of the veto powers of the Peers. Of late thero has been a significant outburst of something closely akin to revolt, especially .amongst the Radical and Labour section of tho Liberal party, against any compromise on the great issue at stake between the two Houses, or, perhaps, it would be. more correct to say, between the Liberal majority in the Commons and tho Peers. Some very strong language has been used by certain members, and there is evidently a suspicion abroad that tho Liberals stand to lose, whatever bo the nature of the agreement arrived at. Such suspicion' has, of late, not been confined to a few Labour members, but has found expression in several of the newspapers which support the Asquith-Lloyd George Ministry. In the "Morning Leader," that most outspoken and brilliant of Liberal journalists, Mr If. AV. Massingham, frankly tells the party leaders that the Conference i 6 thoroughly unpopular with the rank and file. "They don't like it, and don't believe in it," says Mr Massinghani, who declares himself quite incredulous as to the Conference effecting any permanent settlement of the main question at issue, that is, whether the hereditary chamber shall continue to have the right to Sterilise democratic measures which hare been passed by the elected representatives of the people. He rejects with contumely the-sug-gestion that a compromise may be brought about oh. the basis of some

"reform" of the Houso of Lords, and he is equally sure—and this may seem curious to New Zealand .observers of the course of events—that the "Liberals would be shy of introducing absolutely new machinery into the Constitution such as the Referendum," his reason being that "it would divide their ranks into fiercely contending sections." It is true Mr Massingham considers it possible that the Tories may be led to surrender the new demand of the Lords to control finance, which they probably recognise by this time to be a blunder, and to be quite unworkable, and might have to make other concessions. But what is the quid pro quo. which will have to be conceded by the Liberals? Mr Massingham, by the way, openly avows himself a believer in Single Chamber Government—"the. only safe, sensible, and democratic plan," he calls it—fears that the Liberal leaders at the Conference may agree to "a partial surrender of the supremacy of the House of Commons, and the admission of a joint element of revision, to which th-e House of Lords would contribute a part, but not a controlling part." He then proceeds to examine the probable composition of such a joint committee of revision, and argues, at some length, t,hat the difficulties against such an arrangement working smoothly and satisfactorily are completely unsurmountable. The selection and appointment of the House of Commons delegation to such a oommittee would hare to be in the hands of the Executive, and such a scheme would, it is thought, leave the two Front Benches almost the only forces in legislation that really counted, and reduce the power of the/ Commons to a shadow. He cannot conceive it possible that the Radical and Labour members —and it must be remembered that Labour is stronger than ever in tho present British Parliament:—would ever agree to an agreement t which would "stereotype tho two chief parties in the State, and leave Labour out of account." There would also be a strong objection to handing over such large powers to the Government, in addition to those which the Executive already possess against the purely representative principle. Altogether, Mr Massingham is despondent as to any good result accruing from the Conference. A compromise on the main issue will, Jie holds, result in "compromised Bills." "The sting will be taken out of a good deal of Liberal legislation; now and then it may assume more considered forms; but on the whole we shall have moved further away from the region of great set tlements of large issues." In view of tho rumours recently cabled in regard to the Conference resulting in a Home Rule Bill, in which would be embodied the devolution principle, it is interesting to notice the attitude assumed towards such a project by such a staunch English Radical as is Mr Massingham. He points out that the point of view of the Irish Nationalist and that of the English Radicals Or Labour partyis quite different. "The Nationalist Irishman," he says, "docs not want or expect to live for ever under the roof of AVestminster Palace.. He looks at it as an hotel rather than a home. After Home Rule he would be a casual and special visitor rather than an inmate." Radical and Labour interests in the future "make-up" of the Imperial Parliament are, Mr Massingham considers, much more vital. .There is much truth in this contention. A friendly settlement of the Irish question would be a boon, indeed both to Ireland and to Great Britain, hut it could.be purchased at too high a price if it spelt any Liberal surrender of the rights and privileges of the House of Commons. At the same time the fact, cabled yesterday, that the

"Daily Chronicle," the official organ of the Liberals, warmly applauds the creation of a Federal system of government, and declares that "Home Rule for Ireland would relievo the overburdened Imperial Parliament, and simplify, if not settle, the problem of the Lords' right of veto" would seem to imply that

some whisper of what is being done by flip Ccn.fereuco has at last leaked out, and that Home Kule will figure prominently in any agreement which may be arrived at. The uncertainty as to what Messrs John Redmond and T. P. O'Con* nor actually said in America and Canada regarding the probability of their party accepting the Federal principle has not yet been dispelled. AA'ith Irish representation at A\ r estmiuster, and with a concession of tho right to a separate tariff, much of the British objection to Home Rule would undoubtedly disappear. But it is decidedly premature to assume tho acceptance of such provisions by tho rank and file of tho Nationalist party. There exists, however, a widespread belief that tho Irish question is being considered by the Conference as being part and parcel of the greater issue, the A r eto, and on this point alone the report of the Conference will be awaited with the keenest curiosity.

One thing is, to our minds, perfectly clear, and that is that the great majority of the Liberal party will bo satisfied with no agreement, no settlement, however ingeniously devised and constructed, which does mot ensure to the House of Commons an absolute control, over the financial affairs of tho country, and full .power to place the legislation which it may bo pleased to pass upon the statute-bock during the lifetime of each Parliament. These are dit'tinct and definite issues, and, sooner or later, they •will have to bo faced, and decided one way or the other. It may be that Mr Asquith, Sir Edward Grey, and others of the "Old Guard" in tho Ministry may be inclined to go on the principle that half a loaf is better than no bread at all, and.may agree to a, compromise which, for a time at least, may smooth over existing difficulties. But it is doubtful whether such stalwarts as Mr Lloyd George and Mr AA'inston Churchill would accept an3"thing short of a" 1 complete and clear recognition by the Lords of the great principles laid down above. Judging by recent speeches made by .the Chancellor of the Exchequer ho is very far from "backing down" on the great cardinal issues at stake, and it would be with the most profound disappointment that we should learn of his having, as a member of the Conference, agreed to anything short of tho full and righteous demands of the nation to control its own affairs through its own elected representatives in Parliament. If such be not tho .result of the Conference tlien the fight will bo resumed, and, if necessary, transferred from AVestminster to the .polling booths.