THE WAR OF TRADE.

New Zealand Times, Volume LXXI, Issue 4396, 29 June 1901, Page 4

THE WAR OF TRADE.

In his admirable leave-taking letter to his Excellency the Governor, the Duke of Cornwall eloquently expressed what he trusted would be the effect of his tour through New Zealand. The experience and knowledge ho had gained and his personal intercourse with the people would, he hoped, in some measure, tend to sustain and enhance the existing feeling of sympathy and est between the Mother Country, .and this country, and thereby draw .still, closer those ties of affection and brother hood by which we are so happily united.! Then, with a hope that the steady growth and prosperity of this country would continue, his Royal Highness took his departure. These sentiments will find an echo in the hearts of the^eopje.j

of New Zealand, who offered such enthusiastic and loyal demonstrations to the Heir-Apparent to the Throne. But while it is acknowledged that sentiment rules the world to a greater or less extent, there are tics of interest which ought to be strengthened at this hour in the Empire’s history. Has the time not come when the sentiments of which the Duke of Cornwall spoke might be applied with advantage to the trade relations of the Empire? A commercial warfare has begun. Notwithstanding the statements of Mr G. J. S. Broomhalf, who recently published some statistics of the trade of Great Britain, it has been demonstrated that the period 1872-1900 displayed a marvellous development in the export of manufactured goods from Germany and the United States, the former showing an increase of 90 per cent., and the latter 220 per cent., whereas Great Britain’s increase was only 14 per cent. There may be nothing in all this to alarm British statesmen, but the case is different with many British manufacturers. When they complain that they are being brought more closely into competition with foreign manufacturers, and that their trade is consequently suffering, the unsympathetic statesman declares that they must improve their methods, put more energy into pushing business, and show greater adaptability to the requirements of their customers. What the Americans and the Germans can do, they say, the British workman can certainly accomplish. Then the manufacturers at Home reply, as would their confreres ih this country under similar conditions, that the Germans work longer hours for shorter pay, while longer hours and powerful “trusts” have the same effect in America. Even in British territory, and in lands under British influence, the Americans and Germans are successfully competing with the English manufacturer. If those “ties of affection” to which the Duke of Cornwall alluded mean anything at all, they should stimulate the British people everywhere to act in the matter of trade relations on the principle contained in the Scottish aphorism: “Let Us keep oor ain fish-guts for oor aia sear maws.” Several organisations have been established for the purpose of fostering Imperial trade relations among all parts of his Majesty’s dominions, on what is known as a preferential tariff basis; but the efforts put forth have been sectional, and without the Imperial Government’s sympathy and active support. It is true that the Hon Joseph Chamber-lain gave a practical turn to the idea of an Imperial Zollverein, which was mainly the outcome of a desire On his part for the closer unity of the Empire. Apart from the prominence given to this subject by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the other members c£ the British Cabinet appear to be indifferent to any propositions for strengthening our “ties of affection.” on business lines.

The contention, of course, is that so long as we have a Customs tariff on a “revenue” basis, with an inclination to* wards protection, it is useless to contemplate the establishment of preferential trade relations. Such is truly destructive of the ideal many people in the colonies are hoping to realise in A closer union of the Empire, both by representation on an Imperial Council of State and by preferential trad e relations. Besides, the fact that the self-governing colonies have imposed Customs duties for protective and re-venue-raising purposes ought to he no serious obstacle to the institution of an Imperial preferential trade tariff, with protection against the world. The ar* gument raised in opposition to legislative trade privileges at Home is contained in the question: Why should the British Government secure British trade to British workmen, throughout the Empire at the expense of the consumer P To do so Would be to violate the academia tenets of freetrade; but the consumer, who is iu most cases also the Worker, has too much good sense to let this outweigh the practical aspect of the subject, or to blind him to his prospects under preferential trade relations throughout the Empire. Freetrade With* in the Empire, and protection against our . foreign rivals, is undoubtedly the ideal to be striven for; but to bring that about all at once would, as far as the colonies are concerned, disorganise and injure commerce. Still, there is no reason why the colonies should not impose a slightly higher duty on foreign-made goods, and a somewhat lower impost on British manufactured articles, on condition that Great Britain imposed small duties upon those imports now obtained from foreign countries, but which could be very well procured from her over-sea self-governing colonies. Among some freetraders there is a disposition to look this great question squarely in the face and make an honest endeavour to solve the difficulty in a way that would stimulate the Imperial sentiment and strengthen the trade re* lations of the Empire. Canada is dis* posed to adopt a policy of mutual trade preierenoo within the Empire, and the Commonwealth of Australia may be expected to discuss this aspect of Imperial affairs when the Premier formulates his federal tariff proposals. It is likewise the view, in this country, of the Bight Hon Mr Seddon and Sir Joseph Ward that a preferential tariff would be beneficial to the nation, and tend greatly to promote the prosperity, unity and progress of an Empire now held together by those sentimental 'ties of affection” to which the Buko of Cornwall alluded. Perhaps Parliament will be asked, during the coming .session, to pass a resolution giving expression to its views on this important question.