New Zealand Times. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1874.
Our contemporary, the Lyttelton Times, cannot understand why we should take exception to anything Ministers may say or do, because members of the Government happen to be shareholders in the joint-stock company which owns this newspaper. That is our contemporary’s misfortune, how.ever. 'lf he understood the duties arid responsibilities of journalism, he would have no difficulty whatever in understanding our position; but being profoundly ignorant of both, he confesses the fact in such an ingenuous way as to furnish an intelligible explanation of his own recent eccentricities. There was a time —everyone must remember it—when the Lyttelton Times was the slave of the Government of the day : when whatever Ministers said or did, or refrained from saying or doing, as the case might be, 1 was lauded by our contemporary as wise, politic, or expedient. The Government then saw, or affected to see, marks of administrative ability in the hon. member for Selwyn, and he became a Minister. The Lyttelton Times, w'c may remark, (quoting the language, and for this time following the bad example it has set us in this matter,) is “largely the pro- “ perty of Mr. Reeves, and essentially “his mouthpiece,” and “it is of extra- “ ordinary significance, and not to be “ misunderstood,” that during the whole time that gentleman basked in the sunshine of Vice-Regal favor, and enjoyed the confidence of his colleagues and the country, his Times devoted itself to panegyrics upon the political sagacity and administrative capability of Ministers. But affairs took another turn, and the member for Selwyn somehow or other, despite the efforts of the Lyttelton Times, lost the confidence of the 'House, and he went out of office. Still there was balm in Gilead. The Stafford Government was not secure, and it fell within a month. The great political prizes were to be again distributed, and patient merit would surely get its reward. Well, a seat in the Government was offered to the member for Selwyn, who was too coy to consent at first asking. When, however, ho came to reflect that any seat in the Cabinet was bettor than no seat all, he made known his wishes. Too late, however. All the seats were occupied ; and he thereupon realised something of the painful mortification which the oscillating lover must have felt in the circumstances stated by the couplet: He that will not when he may. When he would he will have nay. From that day, the fine ministerial gold became dim in our contemporary’s eyes. Indeed so dull did it become at last, that it was treated as dross, and wo have not latterly seen a word in vindication of the Government in its columns until now, when a highly objectionable Ministerial appointment has been made. It is very odd, but it is nevertheless true, that when everyone else had something to say, either in praise or extenuation of the present Ministry, the Lyttelton: Times had only dispraise and condemnation ; but when Ministers utterly ignore the principles of Parliamentary Government, our contemporary stands forward as their champion. Patting this and that together, the advocacy of the Times is “ not to be misunderstood.” , Wo revert to this matter so pointedly and so soon, first, because wo wish to disabuse the minds of the public of the impression, sedulously created by writers
like the one we have just dealt with after his own method, that the New Zealand Times is not a free political agent; and next, because we feel it incumbent upon us, being supporters of the general policy of the Government, to take the initiative in condemning them when, in our judgment, they err. Our opinions are as free and untrammelled as those expressed by any journal in the colony, and we generously assume that every one of them is free and untrammelled. Our prime duty is to the New Zealand public, which we hope to lead to form a strong and intelligent opinion, not alone upon questions of policy, but upon public men as well; for we shall not scruple to expose political quackery and misdoing whether in or ont of office. So much for ourselves : now for the principle involved in the recent Ministerial appointment. We say, and we defy contradiction, that Mr. Bowen’s accession to the Ministry is a distinct and unjustifiable departure from the principles of Parliamentary, i.e., Responsible Government. There is no modern precedent for such a proceeding out of New Zealand. It is of the essence of Parliamentary Government, that the Executive should be constituted from members of the Legislature; otherwise the Legislature could not exercise any distinct check upon Ministers. It is unjustifiable in this instance, because the gentleman in question has had no experience, in public life; was not known beyond his own local circle until his _ name was brought prominently forward in this connection, first, as a rumor, which was generally discredited as absurd, and now authoritatively in our own columns. These are our objections to Mr. Bowen’s accession to the Ministerial ranks. They are not founded upon any fallacy,. as the Lyttelton Times argues. Moreover, we consider the appointment itself as being disrespectful to the General Assembly. It is a direct slur upon the members of the party which supports the Government. What possible connection is there between the routine work of a Resident Magistrate, in a provincial town, and that of a Secretary of State, to which dignity Mr. Bowen lias been elevated at a single step. The Lyttelton Times thinks there is a necessary connection between the two, and congratulates the country upon the choice. We are greatly mistaken in the temper of Parliament if it considers this at all a matter for congratulation. The people of the colony have also been treated with unpardonable disdain ; because, were this principal of Ministerial selection acted upon, it would be quite possible to constitute a Government of nominees who would be altogether irresponsible.
But the Times condescends to particulars. We are assured that Mr. Bowen retires now and for ever from the Civil Service. He will not return to it on any account, like that very naughty man, Mr. Gisborne, of whom we shall have a word to say anon. This is extremely gratifying to the country, and it is something to know who it is that intends making public life a profession. The extract from the Lyttelton Times, which appears in our telegraphic summary, leaves no room to doubt the path which Mr. Bowen means to tread ; and we may add, it has been pleasantly trod by several gentlemen from the same province. But our contemporary did not tell us—and we make bold to put the question—whether Mr. Bowen, “in relinquishing the Civil “Service for a political career, and re- “ tiring from the former,” has at the same time divested himself of the collateral advantages which members of the Civil Service derive from a grateful country. Does he, in short, come into the Upper House weighted with a pension ? If so, we take leave to doubt the disinterestedness of the gentleman’s conduct, and regret very much that the Disqualification Act does not debar his entrance, for we can perceive in it a precedent extremely dangerous to the independence of Parliament.
Our contemporary is very severe upon Mr. Gisborne’s conduct. Well, we do not defend it. But it is widely different from that of tho case before us; and most singular thing of all, the member for Selwyn was a colleague in tho same Government with Mr. Gisborne, and was consequently a party to the arrangement which is now condemned by the Lyttelton Times. Moreover, the relative positions of Mr. Gisborne and Mr. Bowen are widely different. The former was Under-Secretary, and had more administrative experience than any other man in the colony, and when Mr. Pox formed his Government it was absolutely necessary to turn Mr. Gisborne’s vast store of official knowledge to the best advantage, inasmuch as, with the exception of Mr. Fox himself, no other member of tho Government ever held a seat in a Colonial Executive. Mr. Gisborne joined the Government, and on its defeat retired to tho management of the Insurance and Annuities Office, which ho had organised as a Minister, and was best qualified to conduct. But Mr. Bowen is a Resident Magistrate, without political or administrative experience, and will have absolutely everthing to learn from his subordinates. Mr. Gisborne had nothing to learn ; he was master of the situation.Tho precedent was a bad one, however, and it was followed, not a very long way off, by Mr. Bathgate. Ho resigned his seat in the Government as Minister of Justice for a Resident Magistracy; Mr. Bowen resigns a Resident Magistracy for the portfolio of Minister of Justice. Tho exchange may bo equal, but tho country loses thereby. However, these are not the only precedents wo might cite. In 1856, Mr. John Halt, was Colonial Secretary, and when he left the Government he became Resident Magistrate at Christchurch. Mr. Domett was Colonial Secretary and Premier, and when ho was turned out of office, tho Secretaryship of Crown Lands, which he also held, was made a non-political office, and he was gazetted to it.. There are other precedents more or less glaring, which wo might cite were it necessary j but they are all of New Zealand making. It is full time, however, that all this were changed. Hitherto the Civil Service has ruled tho country. Parliament has been only a registering machine in its hands. Mr. Bowen’s elevation to tho Ministerial ranks is simply a development of tho same pernicious system. We protest against it on that account, as well as for the reasons already stated.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4264, 19 November 1874, Page 4
Word Count
1,618New Zealand Times. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1874. New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4264, 19 November 1874, Page 4
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