New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1874.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4208, 15 September 1874, Page 2

New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1874.

Whiist it is admitted that the session of 1874 was neither an idle nor an unprofitable one, and that it will be a memorable one in the history of New Zealand, we have also to bear in mind that during it some very important questions were brought forward, remained undisposed of, and became virtually “slaughtered innocents.” These will assuredly see the light on a future occasion, and, therefore, the mind of the public may be profitably directed to them during the recess. Foremost amongst these is the Premier’s Polynesian scheme, which we may be quite certain will be fully discussed by him with the Home authorities on his arrival in London. Others which involved important constitutional changes were obscured by the interest with which the great Provincial question was covered. What might have been the result if attention had been concentrated upon them instead of following the fortunes of the great fight, which partook almost of the nature of a personal conflict between the Premier and his most bitter opponent, can scarcely be augured. But they are of too much importance for any Government to quietly shunt them altogether. Prominent amongst them was the Electoral Qualification Bill, which evoked such a variety of opinions that. the Government appeared to think the whole subject should be, as' that of the abolition of Provincialism in the North Island, left for the consideration of the public during the recess; the readjustment of representation for which the division showed that thirty members were in favor of it to thirty-three against; and the Bill introduced by the Government to provide against tha occasionally refractory opposition of the Legislative Council to Bills that must in some way or another become law. The Government, in introducing the Bill for altering the qualification of electors had two objects primarily in view, the first of which was to put miners, who now vote by virtue of their miners’ rights, in the same position as other electors, and to extend the franchise, so that all male persons who have arrived at years of maturity, and have resided in the Colony for a stated period, should be permitted to vote. On the face of this nothing can be fairer. There is an inherent right which everyone possesses to have a voice in the disposition of the taxes he pays. And no one can give any valid reason why miners should rather bo entrusted with the franchise than other people. But then there was a strong number of members in the House who felt that the twenty thousand immigrants annually being imported are not the people to whom the power should bo given of swamping the Votes of any intelligent constituency in New Zealand. That there are lodgers, and persons who habitually live at hotels, who are much more fitted to be entrusted with the franchise than many small householders, is doubtless true enough, but the opinion of the House was that some other way must be found of getting at these than one which would givo immigrants imported by the Government, or Messrs. Brogden, the right of returning a member for any district in which they might be located. And there is another consideration that might be brought forward by any one who read the speech of His Excellency at the banquet given in his honor. Ho complimented hon. members on the dignity and despatch with which business was conducted in their House. Persons who have been in the Legislatures of Victoria, New South .Wales, and South Australia, would admit that this compliment was not undeserved. And, one way of deteriorating the quality of the Legislature would be to lower the qualification of the electors.' There is naturally as much esprit de corps amongst the lower orders as the upper, and they as surely prefer candidates of a like rank to themselves a* do men of wealth and power. Worse results would follow from this than do, but for the indifference with which many of thorn regard political matters and the franchise. In countries whore what is termed universal suffrage prevails, there is, in the first instance, groat difficulty in getting laborers to register their names on the electoral rolls, and very often after that an almost insurmountable one in persuading them

to goto a polling-booth and vote. It is very often found, and is very natural, that people, whether rich or poor, who take very little or no interest in political matters or the current topics of the day, attach no importance or value to the possession of a vote. The question of the re-adjustment of representation' is one that Mr. Sheehan might very well have left to the Government. There always will be times, even if alteration took place by force of law whenever a dissolution took place, in which inequalities might bo pointed out. The population of some Provinces has increased much more rapidly than that of others ; but, for aught anyone can tell, this increase may be of but a temporary nature. The population of a goldfield usually fluctuates very much. Representation is, of course, based to a certain extent upon population ; but in no country can this principle be observed to the letter. Generally speaking, capital cities are represented over much in Parliaments, although members could not bo allotted to them in proportion to their population. More persons from them, or connected with them by means of their businesses and profession, seek for seats in the legislature, than do from outlying country districts. And these often prefer to be represented by well-knovvnpoliticians who have influence in Parliament, than by unknown local men, who could not keep the ear of the House for five minutes. If, we might ask, population were the only basis of representation, how many members would the city of London return to the House of Commons 1 But then many members are Londoners, and the seeming inequality is thus remedied. It is, as we dare say Mr. Sheehan knows, a highly popular thing for a member to stand up and say that his district requires further representation, and ho may by judiciously canvassing his friends obtain considerable support in Parliament; but altering the representation, or attempting to perpetually tinker it is a matter of too much moment to be other than at the discretion of the Government. We can quite understand the Council having a sort of blind objection to having its power of veto tampered with or even questioned, but the fact remains that such is the imperfection of human nature, even of that composing Legislative Councillors, some description of check has to be provided. The want of this went far to break up the Victorian Ministry, of which Mr. Francis was the recent head, and the present one is pledged to bring in a Bill dealing with the subject during the next session. Even in England, where the great good sense and discretion of the Peers may be relied upon to preserve them from emergencies arising, there is a power, perhaps somewhat rusty, for preventing a Constitutional dead-lock. That such an one is required here, hon. members of the Council demonstrated this past session. At the close theyput abreak on the whole of the Government policy, for no x - eason that would hold water. A Bill of a design similar to the one thrown out had to be passed, with indecent haste, by both branches of the Legislature. Aft«r this we could understand any strong Government deciding to make, at the first convenient opportunity, reform of the Council a Government measure. Three-fourths of the Bill that was rejected is law ; and no sane'person will suppose that the railways will not be taken over, so that the other fourth must be. Again, the Council threw out the Te Aro Foreshore Reclamation Bill in a mere wilful exercise of power. The matter in question was not one for legislation ; it concerned neither the Council nor the public, and the Bill merely required to be assented to as a pure form. Although the Council rejected the Bill, the foreshore will be reclaimed for the City, just as i& the Bill had been passed. It is by such action as this that the Council, whilst pronouncing against a change, proclaims the necessity for one.