New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, AUGUST 14, 1874.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4181, 14 August 1874, Page 2

New Zealand Times. FRIDAY, AUGUST 14, 1874.

Firm and yet temperate, the speech of the Premier in moving his resolutions for the abolition of Provincial Governments in the Worth Island must have proved the necessity for an early and radical change to any members who perchance were wavering. Sufficient was said to show that the step was not taken from any desire to be famous as the deviser of an organic change in the Constitution, and still less for the gratification of personal ambition. The credit of the Ministry with the people is based entirely on the skill with which the administration of public affairs is conducted, and it is the impossibility of carrying on the business of the country in a satisfactory manner with the present double Government that forms their complete defence for proposing a change. ! Time was when the Premier, as he frankly admitted, was an ardent supporter of Provincial institutions, and if it were an essential requisite for a politician that experience should be without effect on his opinions, then he might be blamed for having grown into different views. Such a doctrine can only consistently be maintained by those who estimate the wisdom of youth above that of maturity. Mr. Vogel's position closely resembles that of Sir Robert Peel, who, attaining power as the advocate of protection, bowed to the ruthless logic of facts and abolished the Corn Laws ; and of Mr. Gladstone, who began life as the ultra advocate of the Church and carried out disestablishment in Ireland. In truth, the living, fertile intellect cannot remain the same from year to year. Tho system that once appeared to be the best for the welfare of the people, and that was in consequence advocated, when proved to be inconsistent with good government, mustby an honest Minister be denounced'and destroyed, unless ho values verbal consistency above his duty to those who have elevated him to power. Perhaps it would have been better had tho chango been made at the time when the co3t and management of Public Works and Immigration were assumed by the Colony, and if. Mr. Togel has erred it has been from too great tenderness for Provincial prejudices. Even yet it is probable he might havo delayed \ till a later period had it not been for the exhibition of Provincial obstructiveness on tho Forests Bill. Tho rampant assertions by Superintendents of an inde- : feasible right to the sole control and dis-| posal of lands within their boundaries,; whatever might be the Colonial gain by j transferring a portion to the care of the i Genoral Government, was a challenge! impossible to pass without answer. The i calm assurance required beforo such! ground could be taken almost transcends j human belief. After demanding money; from the Colony to carry on the functions, of his Province, shame might have been

expected to restrain the bitterest oppo-1 nent from anything beyond.a mild protest when- the Forests Bill was brought down ; but when it is remembered how the lands were obtained, common decency called for courteous forbearance at. least. It cannot surely be forgotten that in the North Island large sums, borrowed on the credit of the whole Colony, have beeli expended in the purchase of land from the Natives, so as to furnish a landed estate. Considerable portions of these lands, soon after being handed over to Provincial control, were proposed to be pledged to secure advances for local works, and yet when it was sought to prevent a small portion from being alienated, excitement rose to the pitch of denouncing as robbery an attempt to protect the future population from the rapacity of the rulers of the present. Wellington and Auckland have long been dependent on Colonial funds for the means of usefulness, and the mere pretence of managing departments formed no sufficient reason for prolonging their existence. Wanting the payments made from the Consolidated Revenue, it is seen that both these Governments would long since have collapsed. The hard and utterly thankless task of the Colonial Treasurer has been to provide funds for their expenditure, bearing at the same time the burden of their faults before the rest of the Colony. Even roads constructed by the Government are still kept in repair from Colonial funds, because the Provincial authorities do not choose to take them over, though passing through and opening the very lands they claim as their estate. There is, too, something beyond improving the management of public works that renders only one Government desirable. Native affairs would never have been so difficnlt to direct had it not been for the want of consistency between the actions of the several Provincial authorities. The proposition of Mr. Fox to make each Superintendent the agent of the Government within his Province would, at least, have secured some approach to unity of action so far as these sometimes refractory officers would have submitted to control, and so long as the only communication between the Provinces was by sea, a certain amount of reason could be given for such a scheme. Circumstances are now entirely changed. The roads formed by the Colony through districts recently inaccessible, while facilitating the action of the General Government, render wholly unnecessary any delegation of powers. The steady progress of Sir Donald McLean's peace policy has put an end to the worst of the Native troubles, but still mfich remains to be done in the acquisition and settlement of land. In dealing with the Maori, one prominent difficulty has been caused by the meddling of local authorities, and, now that Colonial funds have rendered intercourse practicable with all parts of the island, Colonial interests demand the extinction of all conflicting influences. Attempts are cunningly made to excite alarm in the Middle Island by asserting that the abolition of Provinces in the North must soon be followed by the same result in the South. It is premature to discuss the entire question of .Provincialism, but this may be safely predicted, that so long as the people desire the continuance of the Provinces they are perfectly safe. In the North Island there cannot be a doubt as to the result if a plebiscitum were taken. By vast majorities, except possibly at the Provincial capitals, the vote would be given for immediate abolition. When it is seen that the Land Fund is to be as heretofore strictly localised and that a Parliamentary guarantee is to be given for its so continuing, the only cause of alarm in the South will pass away. There is even there no peculiar affection for Superintendents and Executives, but there is a natural desire to retain possession of the revenues by means of which Canterbury and Otago have been made prosperous. With these fully secured, no opposition will be offered to the people of the North being delivered from the Provincial incubus. The Superintendental party would have shown more wisdom in supporting the Government than they are doing by rushing into frantic opposition. Egged on by disappointed politicians, who have perfect confidence in themselves, the usually astute Superintendents are playing a losing game. Far better would it be for them to assist in passing a measure that would for ever place their land fund beyond the possibility of being shared with the North, than to resist the removal of somewhat envious rivals from the field. In the South, opinion is rapidly growing that the Colony is governed too much. The excitement of this contest will force the people to enquire, and then they may find reason to believe that prosperous Provinces do not need Superintendents, and those which are poor cannot afford to pay them.