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New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4167, 29 July 1874, Page 2

Tuk project for bringing the trade of the South Sea Islands to New Zealand has been advanced one very important stop. Wo have argued that it is a feasible one, and have shown that His Excellency the Governor, no mean authority, is of this opinion. The latest telegraphic news from England shows that Her Majesty’s Government lias also .arrived at the same conclusion. The words in which this intelligence is conveyed will, after they have been well considered, be deemed significant. The Imperial authorities had discountenanced the idea of British authority being extended over the Islands, Mr. Consul Layard is not the first Commissioner sent to report upon a contemplated cession, and the conclusion should not have been drawn that because ho was appointed to come to terms with King Thakombau, Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues were favorable to the annexation

of Fiji. The telegraphic news is almost emphatic that such was not the case. Lord Granville, the late Foreign Secretary, who enunciated tho views of the Government on the subject in the House of Lords, spoke against Fiji being a Crown Colony. Here we see an illustration of how great events may spring out of causes that at first sight might seem to have no relation to them. The inference, and indeed the almost certainty, is that if Earl Kimberley had continued to be Secretary of State for the Colonies the South Sea policy of the Premier of New Zealand would have been courteously declined. But in the Earl of Carnarvon we have a statesman of afar different rank and intellectual capacity. The Conservatives of England have in the Earl of Derby, the Marquis of Salisbury, and the present Secretary of State for the Colonies, three men endowed with vast mental abilities, any one of whom would fill with the greatest credit to himself and honor to the nation, tho very highest position a subject could obtain. The Earl of Carnarvon, as it will be observed, considers that the Australian Colonies are sufficiently developed to undertake the responsibility of the Government, not only of Fiji, but of the South Sea Islands. When the telegram says “ Australian ” it is not to be inferred that New Zealand is left out of the reckoning. There are not many telegraph agents in England who are aware that New Zealand is not included in the term Australia. Lord Carnarvon’s statement acquires strength from the fact that a Conservative Government has always had a sweeping majority iu the Upper House, and now it has a decided one in the House of Commons.

The inference almost follows, from Sir Hercules Robinson having been despatched to Fiji, that there is a unity in the policy of tho New South Wales and the New Zealand Governments. Lord Carnarvon would probably argue that the work of building up in tho South Seas a new buttress to the British Empire would not be that of any one of the Australasian Colonies. He probably considers that at some time—-a very remote period we fear —the leading men in the Colonies may bo endowed with sufficient common sense, (statesmanship is not required) to perceive that union is desirable rather than complicated tariffs, contrived for tho purpose of obstructing tho interchange of Colonial produce. And he would see that in forming a Polynesian Dominion there is abundant scope for the spare energies of more than one Colony. Nor does it seem that this is altogether undesirable. Should New South Wales undertake the Government of Fiji, and New Zealand that of the, Navigator and Friendly Isles, we should find ourselves with the more fertile islands, the more civilised people, and with the nucleus of the more varied trade. Victoria, we are to presume, is a Gallio in the matter, and cares for none of these things. Her policy is framed after that of Japan and the Flowery Land. Lord Canterbury, who recently left the Colony, argued against the annexation of Fiji. It is out of the question for South Australia to have any views of importance on the subject. Her own Northern Territory has been a white elephant for the past several years. Queensland and Western Australia have enough business of their own to attend upon, and Tasmania is more likely to be annexed than to annex. The two Colonies most immediately interested in the settlement of the South Sea question are New South Wales and New Zealand, and however desirous wo may be to initiate some step that may place this Colony on vantage ground, wo are forced to remember that Lord Carnarvon, in giving the sanction of his authority to a reconsideration of the steps already taken towards the annexation of Fiji, would deem it right to consider what claims New South Wales might have both to be consulted and to take part in a project that he would see is not only of Colonial but of Imperial importance. Whilst we freely admit that in tho recognition by the Home Government of the ability of the Australasian Colonies to undertake the responsibility of the control over the Polynesian Islands, a great step is gained, we cannot forget that a firm and skilful hand is required to conduct the further delicate negotiation that it is presumable will now ensue. Circumstances have, so far, been adventitious, and the prospect, notwithstanding the drawbacks that may be looked upon as inevitable, is not unfavorable to tho realisation of our wishes. Lord Carnarvon, in declaring the conditions of King Thakombau and his Ministers impracticable, may be considered to be acting in the interest of the Colonies. Ho wishes to make ns good a bargain for them as he can, and little question can be entertained that Sir Hercules Robinson will make much more favorable terms than those which have simply been acknowledged by Mr. Consul Layard. To this there can be no objection, and we have no doubt his Lordship will await with interest the action of tho New Zealand Parliament in tho matter. Really, very much depends upon this. The question is almost reduced to one of terms. Tho Colony that lias the largest reserve in its national exchequer will be able to turn the scale as it may please. Money, in this as in other cases, will make the mare go. It is, proverbially, tho last guinea that conquers in a war. The financial statement of the Premier of New Zealand demonstrated which Colony is iu the best position in this respect. Meanwhile wo may hope that Parliament, in its wisdom, will deal with this great question without reference to parties or individualities. The first step may be taken this session towards forming a Polynesian Union that shall bo all powerful, south of tho equator, in this Eastern Hemisphere, and the influence of which may extend into British possessions throughout tho Continent , of Asia. It may bo powerful enough to make treaties, render signal service in war, and become an clement in the calculation of parties on the Continent of Europe. It may assist in preserving tho peace of tho world, and strengthen the hands of the mother country in extending the blessings of civilisation amongst dusky millions of Hindoos, and the deft, industrious, and thrifty Chinese. Australasia and Polynesia combined must certainly be a powerful maritime and commercial nation. With tho decision of Parliament rests tho commencement of what may be a new epoch in the history of New Zealand.