NEW ZEALAND SPECTATOR AND Cook's Strait Guardian. Saturday, February 1, 1862.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume XVII, Issue 1722, 1 February 1862, Page 2

NEW ZEALAND SPECTATOR AND Cook's Strait Guardian. Saturday, February 1, 1862.

The American “ difficulty,” which to some appears almost to amount to a declaration of war, does not seem to be of a character to justify any very serious apprehensions. It may readily be conceded that if either Eng. land or America were looking for an excuse for war, that such might easily be found, atid might even be extracted from events that have already taken place. The true interests of both nations, however, are too well under, stood to admit the belief that eithet would wantonly rush into such a necessarily-disas. trims conllict. Being also quite satisfied that aggression will never begin on the side of England, it may be worth while to endea. vour to ascertain the possibility or otherwise of war being commenced on tire part of the Americans.

In order to estimate rightly the position of America in relation to England, it will bo necessary to pass over the gasconading articles that appear in a portion of the American pa. pars, and also topass over the “lonathanisms” in which of late years our transatlantic cou. sins have seen fit to indulge. These are not to be regarded as national expressions in any sense, and although their tone may be regret, ted, their very violence defeats their own ends, and makes them only objects of sport to those who are the subject of their attacks. They have about as much infttißnce as a “ row ” in Wapping would have on the deliberations of the English legislature, and are on the whole to be classed in all respects with the wrathful ebullitions of Mr. Jonathan Jefferson Brick, being about as truthful ex. ponents of the views of the “ White House,” as the “ Eatandswill-gazette ’’ might be of those of the Court of St. James. That America is a large and valuable cus. tomer of England and consumer of its manufactures, no one would be foolish enough to deny, and that England is greatly depen. dent upon America for the cotton which it needs to keep its factories and operatives in employment, has also become almost painfully evident. It might therefore appear that America could, if it chose to play the bully, place England in circumstances of such difficulty that war might become inevitable, and granting that American statesmen could lose sight of the reciprocal benefits which their commerco with England confers upon them, such a result might not even be unlikely. But all this is regarding America as a whole, and forgetting that now the dfsUnited States are not oulj’ two, but also two hostile kingdoms. The South and the North are antagonistic, and war with one would imply an alliance with the other, and it is therefore in this aspect that our present position must be considered. To take that first which seems regarded as least likely, we ask what would be the position of the Confederated States as they now style themselves, if in any way they should find themselves drawn into a war with England. They are the cottongrowers, and as such have in their hands a material that England stands much in need of. But the cotton-manufacture is not the j whole of England’s trade, neither is South

America the only source of its supply. England would still live though not a bale of “sea island” cotton should reach it from the American plantations; but what would the growers do with their market permanently cut off? The present blockade is almost ruinous to them, but it is evident that they cannot consume their cotton, and that it could only supply “ the sinews of war” when changed into the more convenient form of dollars. This however would be but a s mall part of the mischief. Difficult as it must be for them in any case to maintain their position against the Northern States, to have England also against them would seal their political extinction. Therefore whilst all their traditions and predilections are believed to be strongly in favor of that country from which their cavalier-fathers migrated, every consideration of policy and interest must tend to cause them to wish to maintain friendly relations with it.

With the Northern or “ Federal’’ States, while mercantile considerations might not have so much weight, yet political ones are even still more important. The main cause of division between the North and the South is slavery, and while it would be preposterous for England to espouse the cause of the South, and thus array itself against those who profess at least to deprecate the extension of the “ domestic institution,” it would be equally irrational on the part of the Federal States to quarrel with the country that has for so long a period consistently opposed slavery in every form. But a still more serious consideration for them is, that the whole of their Northern frontier would be exposed to incursions from the British forces, who would have Canada as a base of operations, and all its wide extent and available sea-board to secure needful supplies. With the Confederated States on the South and Canada on the North, the position of the Federal States would be most precarious,

anil the ultimate disintegration of the Republic nearly inevitable.

On the whole, while we believe that a war with America would bo one of the greatest calamities that could befal our country and the world, we yet hope and believe that the prospect of such a disaster is indefinitely remote.