THE New Zealand Mail. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. THURSDAY, JANUARY 19, 1899. THE PROBLEM OF THE PHILIPPINES.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1403, 19 January 1899, Page 18

THE New Zealand Mail. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. THURSDAY, JANUARY 19, 1899. THE PROBLEM OF THE PHILIPPINES.

A problem of the most difficult kind, which yet calls for a speedy practical solution, confronts the people of the United States regarding the relations -which ought to subsist between their Government and the natives of the Philippine Islands. The Commission appointed by President McKinley to report upon the future of these islands will undoubtedly give valuable help; but in the meantime the public opinion of the world will be busy with the problem, and will solve it according to tho dictates of local patriotism or material interests. Advice from New Zealand

will not, at any rate, be open to the charge of being inspired by parochial considerations, and it may be freely offered for what it is worth. The great majority of New Zealanders rejoiced unfejgnedly over the downfall of Spanish miu-ule in these fertile regions, and they would deeply regret if the islands were to fall a prey to anarchy, or were alloved to pas 3 under a nativo government as unenlightened and non-progressive as that of Spain. It is recognised that for the United States to attempt to govern the Philippines on the plan of a British Crown Colony would be to court failure. The hostility of the natives and the unhealthiness of the climate would make the expense enormous in money and life. On tho other hand, to give the Filipinos the full self-governing powers which they demand would be to throw back tho cause of civilisation. General Woodford, late American Minister at Madrid, stated the problem forcibly in the course of a recent address in Brooklyn. " Our flag," ho said, "is in Manila Bay. Every tradition of the American people is against an Amdrican colonial policy, against what we miscall Imperialism. But at the same time, God or evolution, history or fate, has carried our flag 7000 miles across the sea, and has given to the Filipinos the dream of freedom from Spanish rule. For us to turn them back to Spanish rule would lie a sin against God and a shame to the nation. How we are to solve these questions I know not. If in the lust of conquest we undertake the pro idem, we shall fail; if from greed of power, we shall fail. But if regretfully we accept the responsibility and bring our highest courage to our highest fate, the same Providence that gave victory to Dowey will give victory to our high puvnos«;-:, and the result will be a blessing not only to this people, but to the civilisation of the world."

In the course described as the regretful acceptance of responsibility lies the true way out of the difficulty. The President of the United States has so far followed that line by announcing that he accepts the principle of "sovereignty in trust." That means, of course, in trust for the Filipinos themselves. American opinion revolts, and justly so, at any government being set up which does not rest upon " the will of the governed " ; and hence in the Philippines, as in Cuba, the goal set in sight is the granting of self-govern-ing powers to the people. In the meantime, order must be maintained, security of life and property established, trading rights secured, and the leading natives instructed in the true principles of government, which they have no chance of learnunder Spanish domination The trouble which Aguinaldo and his followers are giving in their opposition to American oversight suggests, however, that the United States Government may have to order a wholesale slaughter of the Filipinos, as a preliminary to showering upon the remnant the blessings of liberty and civilisation. Will American public opinion sanction such a course? We think not. It is all very well for expansionist journals, in the first'rapture of victory, to declare that " the great bounding heart of tho nation leaps up to kiss the star of destiny " ; but the tone will be changed when thoy come to consider calmly the costs and tho consequences of a policy of Empire. The plan of General Miles for the garrisoning of Cuba, •> Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines involved the sending of 90,000 American soldiers to these new acquisitions. This means that America is now maintaining overseas a force of white troops larger than Great Britain employs to hold India and Egypt. Since the scheme of General Miles was drawn up, it has been found necessary to send additional soldiers to Manila, and hence the external army now maintained by the United States is probably larger than the aggregate force which guards the whole of the outlying portions of the vast British Empire. The cost of these great armies of occupation will soon make itself felt, despite the vast wealth of the United States, and the practical American people will begin to ask what they are likely to get, except glory, for all that expenditure. The reply of the expansionists can only be that by-and-by America will possess herself of these countries, and rule them, not only without expense, but so as to make them a source of great profit. That, doubtless, is the true policy for the American Government to pursue—first, to pacificate the Filipinos, then to imbue them with respect for, and confidence in, American rule, gradually to entrust them with selfgoverning powers, and finally to admit the islands, as in the case of Hawaii, to be an integral par 1 " ~ A< ?3 ?

with the full consent of the Filipinos and the Americans. Time and patience are required for the realisation of this programme; but the Americans, with the Anglo-Saxon genius for .colonising ;far lands and managing native races, may be trusted to pursue the policy set forth with tact and success. In view of the probable acquisition -of neighbouring groups of islands by Germany, it is regrettable to find American " Jingoes" loudly declaring that the "licking" of Germany is an inevitable part of the programme of the United States. This feelnr will doubtless pass away; for it is not a year since the conviction was strong t that there would be war between Great \ Britain and Germany, and now the ties of common origin and common interest have bound tho two countries in a firm friendship. If America calmly and sanely pursues her destiny, she will be found acting in thorough accord with the nations made up, Tike herself, of Teutonic and Celtio elements.