CURRENT TOPICS.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1354, 10 February 1898, Page 39

CURRENT TOPICS.

EXIT SIR ROBERT. Rumour has been busy for some time past with the names of a number of politicians who were said to contemplate early resignation ; but it is questionable if anyone ever seriously entertained the idea that the first of these would be Sir Robert Stout. His business affairs are said to be the cause which has led to his decision, and without in any way attempting to discuss Sir Robert’s private affairs, we may at once give it as our opinion that he will be consulting his own interests by vacating the political arena. It is many years since, on a memorable occasion, he was called upon to decide between a partnership in one of the most lucrative practices in , the colony and political life. Young, ardent; believing that he had a mission, Sir Robert sacrificed his private interests to public duty, and became the foremost man in New Zealand political life. Then there came a time when he decided to accept the adverse verdict of the Dunedin electors, and only at the earnest request of the leaders of the Liberal Party did he consent, years afterwards, to once again enter the political arena. It is unnecessary to here recount what has happened since then. It must suffice to say that Sir Robert Stout to-day finds himself opposed to that party in whose ranks he fought many a good fight, while the men to whom he administered severe castigations in the past have come to regard him in the light of a friend.

Though we have been quite unable to support Sir Robert in any way -since he drifted apart from those who in the past were his staunch supporters and followers we must admit that there will be a widespread feeling of regret that he has der cided upon tendering his resignation to Mr Speaker. Amongst the opponents of the present Government this feeling will be unanimous, and for the reason that he towers above any other member of the Opposition and is at once the most destructive critic and powerful debater in the whole House on that side, There are such strong contradictions in. the character of the “middle member for Wellington ” that his absence from the political arena will come as a relief to both sides; but the members of the Left Wing will lose their guide, philosopher and friend, and will be altogether inconsolable.

Our public men have small reason to be grateful for anything the public may do for them. On the contrary, if there is any line of life in which black ingratitude is so often the return made for years of devotion, it is that of politics. If the long list of our public men is passed under review, we become aware at once that we as a people have been unmindful of our duty concerning them. The idol of to-day is the execrated being of tomorrow. In one moment of excitement the whole work of a man’s life is forgotten, and there are “ none so poor as do him reverence.” WTo desire at this moment to forget all that has gone before in Sir Robert’s career with which we were not agreed and to pay to him that tribute which as a colonist of so many years’ standing ; as a man of great accomplishments, of high ideals, yet a dreamer of dreams, he undoubtedly deserves. He has done the State some service, and his name is imperishably associated with much of the great work accomplished by the Legislature.

It is now our duty to come down to the severely practical, and to urge the people of Wellington to gird on their armour for the political battle which will follow fast upon Sir Robert’s resignation. It is no mere figure of speech to say that every nerve will be strained by the opposing sides to return the man chosen as candidate. The opponents of the Government may be trusted to work with a will, and with that combination which has ever characterised their every political effort; but if, as we believe, the mass of the people are still faithful to the cause of Liberalism, there need be no fear as to the result. In the multiplicity of candidates there is confusion, and in confusion failure. There must be no bickering; no setting up of false issues; no advocacy of the claims of any candidate who is not prepared to take a broad and intelligent view of the affairs and circumstances of the colony. This is not a time when the people can afford to trifle with their opportunities and be turned aside by the shibboleths of speculative politics. The issues are sufficiently plain. Is it to be a strengthening of the hands of

monopoly or the helping forward of the cause of the people, which is the cause of progress? That is the question that will be asked and must be intelligently answered. THE WELLINGTON SEAT. Avter the attitude assumed by him when approached by a number of ratepayers on the question of his becoming a candidate for the Mayoralty, not a little surprise will be felt at what must be deemed the somewhat ready acquiescence of Mr John Duthie in the request of the deputation which waited upon him yesterday. That deputation, it must be admitted, was a strongly representative one of the Opposition side of politics, and there was no member of it who may not be counted upon to strain every nerve to secure the return of the candidate of bis choice. Mr Duthie is an old, tried and respected resident. His record as a politician stamps him as an uncompromising opponent of the present Government; * but he is not a faddist in any sense, and the Prohibitionist party need look for no favours from him. In this respect that party may be said to have sustained a severe loss in the resignation of Sir Robert Stout; for if he was anything at all he was a supporter of prohibitive measures. Mr Duthie would be more correctly described as a Conservative by instinct rather than conviction, and for this very reason he does not take kindly to the land policy of his fellow-countryman, the Hon John McKenzie. Until the return of the Premier to -Wellington it is hardly likely that any definite steps will be taken by the Liberial and Labour parties; but, and we say so advisedly, unless he and they have a candidate who will command a very large measure of support it would be unwise to go to the trouble and consequent expense of a contest — especially when it is borne in mind that a General Election may take place within the year.

It will be urged, no doubt, that if the figures of the last General Election are taken, it can be shown that the Liberal and Labour forces prevailed not only against the combined strength of the Conservative, plus the Prohibition vote, by the return of two out of three candidates, but that the Labour candidate was returned at the head of the poll. This will all be admitted readily enough; but in this same connection it should be remembered that the issues were very different, and that the same forces which were solidly joined against Sir Robert Stout, Mr A. Is. Atkinson and Mr A. A. S. Menteath will not be found strongly opposing Mr Duthie’s return. It is the unexpected that happens, especially in politics, and therefore it would be a rash thing to prophecy concerning what the next few days may bring forth, and when Mr , Duthie’s platform is enunciated it will be time enough to criticise his position or to decide as to those points on which the issues will mainly depend. As we have already said, regarding his personal popularity there can be no shadow of doubt; what the effect of the declaration of his policy will be is yet another matter. He cannot hope to fill the place vacated by Sir Robert Stout, and for the good reason that he will be found to have little sympathy with the malcontents and extremists who compose what is known as the “Left Wing.” The gentlemen grouped under that title will have no more uncompromising opponent, should he be returned, than the proposed Opposition candidate. If, as is more than likely, the Temperance party fail to secure in any proposed Government candidate a sympathiser in their cause, they may be expected to bring out one of their own. This would undoubtedly confuse the issues to such an extent that the result would be very hard indeed to foretell. And if the Government should succeed in persuading any man to become a candidate who is in any way favoured by the Prohibitionist voters, the contest would be still more severe.

But these are mere speculations. For the present Mr Dufchie’s is the only name which may be said to be definitely and authoritatively before the electors, and should there be a contest we sincerely trust his opponent will be one worthy of the steel of so experienced a politician, so that there may be a fair trial of strength. To bring a weak man against the Opposition candidate would simply prove to the Government side a waste of time and energy. There is another thought worthy of expression. It is that should a contest be decided upon there will be none of the disfigurements which but too often bring discredit upon both parties during the heat of elections. There is no reason why any contest should not be carried on in a friendly spirit, in fairness and good feeling. For any one party to act as though all 'the men and women on the other side were so many rogues, vagabonds, or designing rasoals, is most discreditable to an enlightened populace. Let the fight be never so severe, it should

certainly not be permitted to degenerate into a wild struggle in which nothing but shocking personalities and imputations are indulged in. No man should strive to ride into power on the demerits of others, but on his own individual merits and his fitness for the position. THE PROTECTION OP YOUNG PERSONS. It is an easy thing to sneer at the efforts which have up to the present been made in the direction of coping with the evil which men know to exist in this colony in the shape of depravity amongst the young of both sexes. Naturally, the public hesitate to sanction any plan that may lead to the placing of undue power in the hands of irresponsible individuals; but the question for us all to consider is whether by a wise enactment something cannot b 9 done to stem the tide of evil which is known to be sweeping over most of our cities and towns ? In many cities of America, and by Acts of the States Legislatures, a great good has been effected by the clearing of the streets after nightfall of the children of both sexes. Unless these little ones are in the charge of responsible persons, their parents are held accountable to the authorities for the presence in the streets of their neglected offspring. We do not say that the proposal of last session can be held to be perfect in every sense; but we protest emphatically against the light manner in which the majority of our legislators treated this vital question when it was before them. Mothers and fathers who feel the grave responsibility which rests upon them with regard to the moral welfare of their children, and who exercise a wise and therefore beneficent control over them, fully realise the desirableness of the State stepping id to protect the young against the consequences of their own ignorance and the neglect of those who should be their natural protectors. Not many years ago there was a conference of Justices of the Peace, at which an effort was made to formulate some workable scheme, and though some excellent resolutions were carried, the prosecution of the plan was not persevered with. It is not at all to be wondered at that the Right Hon the Premier should make, in any or all of his public speeches, a strong appeal to the people on this matter of the proposed protection of young people, and for the reason that he has in his possession sufficient information tq justify his action. His opponents may depend upon it that a very strong feeling already exists in the constituencies, and that a still stronger cry will be heard whenever an appeal to the electors is made, either at a general or by-election. THE YOUNG TURKISH PARTY. Agitation is a dangerous game to play in the dominions of Abd-ul-Hamid ; that is to say, if the agitation be aimed at forcing the hand of the Sultan in the matter of reforms. In obedience to the demand of their ruler, the members of the Young Turkish Party held their hand until the Greco-Turkish war should be over, on the understanding that so soon as the difficulty was settled—especially if the result went in favour of the Ottoman troops the reforms which had been demanded should be carried out. More than a reasonable time has elapsed, and still there is no sign of reformation. The Young Turks view this disinclination on the part of Abd-ul-Hamid to respond to their demands as a serious breach of faith, and they intend to recommence their importunities. The risks run by these high-spirited Moslems can be properly gauged only by those who are acquainted with the methods employed by the occupant of the Yil l z Kiosk. By the aid of spies and assassins, every open opponent of the Sulbau speedily finds himself in the clutches of a power which is absolutely merciless. A leathern sack and the waters of the Bosphorus usually do the rest! It will be remembered that prior to the outbreak of hostilities between Greece and Turkey the young reformers were seized in numbers and taken out on the waters of the Bosphorus and drowned. The process is as follows: —The head of the victim is enveloped in a leathern bag which reaches down to the middle of the body; there is a cord at the mouth of the bag and one which “ gathers ” round the neck of the wretched being who is to be operated upon. Both cords are drawn tight and, already half stifled, the victim is thrown into the water. There is no struggle; one splash, and all is over.

He must indeed be a brave man who would run the risk of the leathern sack, or poison, or the knife—all of which means to the end of silencing agitator the Sultan mercilessly employs. But the members of the Young Turkish Party are brave and daring; they are buoyed up with the hope that, even though many go to their death, the work will go on and that some day the survivors will witness the fruition of their hopes. The leaders of the reform party are for

the most part men who have been educated outside Turkey; that is to say, their education has been completed in France or Austria. In those countries they witness a greater freedom, a better system of government and the recognition of the higher aspirations of highly civilised men and women. They learn to hate and despise the system by which the women of their country are deemed the mere chattels of their husbands, and though they rarely seek to cast off the faith of Islam, their earnest desire is to at least render it a less hateful thing in the eyes of the Westerns. But this is not all. These men realise that, left to itself, the misgovernment of their country must ever tend towards decay and, ultimately, to ruin. They realise the rottenness of the Ottoman Empire, and they know that unless reform come from within, destruction will come upon it from without. The work the Young Turkish Party has set itself to accomplish is as great or even greater than that sought to be carried out by the Nihilists of Bussia. The latter plot in secret and resort to outrage ; the Young Turks proceed by different methods and gather into their ranks the educated and refined, the most earnest and progressive men of their time. They are a power with which the Yildiz Kiosk knows it has to reckon, because the influence wielded by the reformers waxes greater as the years go by. We have seen that the Sultan stemmed the tide of this agitation for redress of grievances by a war upon Greece. Pressed as he now is by Bussia to accede to the request that Prince George of Greece shall be created Governor of Crete; warned by the Powers as he will be that he must not make war without cause upon the wretched Thessalians ; pledged to his followers that he will not give up either Crete or Thessaly without resort to arms, there does not seem a great amount of difficulty in his once again making war an excuse for delay where reformation within his empire is concerned. It has been said of Abd-ul the Damned by an American apologist that “ he has one million of improved magazine rifles, has purchased one million more, and has trained to use them soldiers who are fatalists and who see heaven through the smoke of battle.” Have we not in all the evidence of these facts some warrant for the opinion that neither the importunities of the Young Turkish Party nor the demands of Bussia will cause the Great Assassin to take one single step on the road to reform or remove his unholy grip from the conquered plains of Thessaly ? THE CONCILIATION AND ABBITBATION ACT. Doubtless some of those who are opposed to the principle of compulsory arbitration will whoop with pleasure now that they find the .£SOO penalty mentioned in the Act cannot be enforced; but it may as well be borne in mind that for the present, at any rate, an action will lie in the Magistrate’s Court against anyone deliberately breaking the terms of the award. In such case the money would go “ to the privy coffer of the State,” and not to the side which desired to obtain redress. Even though the introduction of an amending measure may re-open the whole question of conciliation and compulsory arbitration in all labour difficulties, we hold it to be the duty of Ministers to make such amending measure one of the first Acts of the coming session. There is no member of the House who values his seat who would care to oppose an amendment of a law which, despite what its opponents may say deserves every one of the encomiums which, have been passed upon it by its admirers. Up to the present we know it to have been instrumental in the prevention of strikes | which could not have proved otherwise than prejudicial to the trade of the colony, while it is to the credit of both employers and employed that whenever a decision has been given by the Arbitration Court in terms of the Act it has been loyally carried out by the parties. Now that a serious flaw has been discovered, we cannot see why it should furnish a reason for any display of jubilation, because, as a matter of fact, it is one of those things which may be said to resemble a two-edged sword. The employer who succeeds on appeal to the Arbitration Court has every right to demand that the Union against whom he is successful shall pay the full penalty allowed by law if it refuses to abide by the result, and equally so should there be power to enforce the law against the employer. The Act has long since passed the experimental stage, and though there have been proved to be some anomalies in its working —such for example as the protracted and often useless sittings of the Conciliation Boards —yet withal the measure has proved to be a boon to employers and workers alike. Had such a law been in existence in Great Britain, the British iron and steel trades would not have suffered as they have from the effects of a protracted struggle for the mastery, That the statesmen of

Britain recognise the necessity for reform has been shown in the passing of a law which renders it possible to arbitrate when both sides are willing ; but to make any such law effective there must be compulsion, with full power to enforce the awards of the tribunals set up for the hearing of the causes. Before such a Court it is certain, for example, that the Amalgamated Engineers could not have succeeded in their demands for interference with the internal management of works, nor with respect to the control of the output from machines; but there is every reason for the belief that the hours of labour would have been modified and a minimum wage fixed. Had the men succeeded up to that point as a result of compulsory arbitration it would have been a great step in advance, and—what is more to the point their loss of over two millions sterling in wages, the depletion of their funds, and the loss of trade to the Kingdom would never have happened. Let us hope that in considering the question of the amendment of the law which two of our Judges have pointed to as necessary, our legislators will see to it; that nothing is done to endanger the satisfactory working of so beneficent a measure; as our Conciliation and Arbitration Act. The passing of that law—favoured.as it; was by some of the most pronounced. Conservatives in the House —was a wise step, bringing nearer to the forces of Capital and Labour in this colony that golden era. which all men who are concerned in tha welfare of their fellows look forward to so hopefully. To all of these we appeal with, confidence for such an amendment of tha present law as shall secure the faithful performance of the awards given under its: provisions, and at the same time ensure its absolute permanence on the Statute Boob. JEW-BAITING. A correspondent, “ J.K.,” has had a great deal to say on this subject. His first effort was directed towards the combating of out remarks in connection with the Dreyfus case, in which we declared the anti-Semitic riots in France were promoted by the Government in order to create a diversion. We stated then that France might feel tha weight of the blow that would assuredly be struck at her by the kings of capital as Bussia felt it after the abominable persecutions which were carried out by 'a socalled Christian power against the Jewish people. To these remarks of ours, “ J.K.’* took exception and we had hoped that in. the very lengthy letters he wrote on the subject he would have been able to advance a legitimate reason or two for his hatred of the Jews and all things Jewish. But, it is the same old story over again, the story of ignorance, of prejudice, of religious intolerance. There is no more foundation for the statements made by our correspondent for the purpose of prejudicing his Hebrew fellows than there is for the shocking falsehoods, which still do duty in Europe, about the offering up of human sacrifices by the Jews at certain ceremonies of theirs. To-day that same falsehood does duty with the French, German, Italian, Austrian, Bussian, and other peoples. It is even published in tha common newspapers. The same cry was raised against the Jews in France during the late anti-Semitic riots, with the addition that the French nation was being “ run » by a « j ow i s k Syndicate.” One may be able to understand this prejudice and ignorance and hate in Europe; but it is impossible to excuse it here in this country. No man who has any regard for truth can say that his Jewish fellow-colonists are hot amongst the most worthy of the whole people. And no man who has had business transactions with that class about which so much is so often said—“the moneylender” —but must confess that so far as interest and percentages are concerned the Christian money-lender is far more bowelless than the Jew. But he would be a strange creature indeed who would look only amongst the money-lending fraternity for types of his Jewish fellow-colonist. ' There is not a learned profession which has not upon its roll of honour the names of men of the “ despised race.” We have not in any of our cities any great businesses in which the Jewish merchant is not concerned; we have not in the mercantile community names more honoured. In the ordinary walks of life we find them going in and out amongst us, cheerful, persevering, honoured and respected, save by a few persons who are either too ill-informed or too blinded by racial or religious hatred to be capable of indulging an honest opinion. In one of the latest issues of the London Spectator this same question, of course treated on a very much larger scale, occupies attention. The article is alarming in its character, for it points not only to a strong feeling against the Jews in France, but in every “ Christian ” country in Europe with the exception of the United Kingdom. There can be no doubt, as the Spectator hints, that]jealousy, more than anything else, is at the bottom of all this enmity to the Jew, “ That he gives

tom* provocations,” tbe writer goes on, “ is undeniable,; but the marvel remains that he gives only the same provocations as other people Upon whom they are not visited. He is so law-abiding that his fondness for law is constantly brought against him as a reproach. He marries only among his own people, but so on the Continent do all aristocratic castes. . . • He makes money whenever he can, but,” the writer forcibly remarks, “ so does everybody else in every race ; while if * the poor as a corp oration ha ve moral claims,wher9 isthere poverty like that of the Jew majority, who do not even possess what every other nation except the Parsee possesses, the 'great estate which we call a country ? That the Jew is insolent in prosperity is often true, but in what respect does his insolence differ from that of multitudes who are allowed to walk about swelling in all cities without anybody bespattering them with mud? There is, in fact, no visible reason for the new persecution of the Jew, except the reason which has been pleaded ever since the days of Vespasian: that he is a Jew and ought, therefore, to be sent away.” Our correspondent, “ J.K.,” has shown 1 us that there survives, even in this free land, that base feeling which has descended to us from those who were willing to indulge in cruel and cowardly practices if > they might lead to the dispossession of the • Jew. Wrought to try to be honest in ' these matters, and when we discuss our 1 fellows at least not seek to mislead those who read what we may chance to write upon the subject. Of course, we realise, as the writer in the Spectator has done, that one of the greatest facts in ' history is that the Hebrew race never changes and is unchangeable. It is, and • it will remain, as it was in the days of the v Pharaohs whom, as Lord Beaconsfield said, “ it saw and survived ” —the most separate and the earthiest of all races, with the highest power of throwing up ;■ men of spiritual genius and mental grandeur. “ There is one earthly hope,” adds the writer, “ of justice for the Jew, and but one, and that is that the Christian races of Europe shall embrace the doctrines of Christ.” . - ' ' ' A BRITISR-MONROE DOCTRINE FOR THE EAST. Tabs: present serious outlook and complications in China are no doubt largely the , result of the discomfiture of Great Britain over the Armenian question, which many think was the result of weakness shown by Lord Salisbury, and which will be recorded ’ in history as an everlasting disgrace to the honour of England. Reckoning on the weakness of Lord Salisbury over Armenia, j the Emperor of Germany saw fit to make a bold stroke for China; in fact to make a great effort to establish a German-China Empire—a sort of imitation of our Indian Empire, but bound by cast-iron bonds to trade with Germany in preference to any other country and in defiance of all existing treaties between Great Britain and China in which the “most favoured nation” clause exists; that is to say, a clause prohibiting. China from granting any special, privileges to any other nation which are uot also granted to British subjects. The German Emperor also contemplates making China into a vast appanage of Germany, in which a million or so of Chinamen would he organised into an army on the German system, and commanded by German officers on somewhat the same lines as our Indian native army is commanded by British officers. The seizure of the port of Kiaochau and adjacent territory, ostensibly because of the murder of .a couple of German missionaries, was merely a pretext for German action which, doubtless was long ago planned and mapped out. It must be reme aibered that about a year ago Germany despatched a strong Com- _ mission to the East of nine or ten members with the avowed object of extending German ( trade in that direction, more especially in China —which Commission, we believe, is still in the East—and at the same time decided on making the. monthly steam service from Germany to China into a fortnightly one by the granting of additional subsidies to the North German Company. A considerable German fleet and a force of German artillery has also been concentrated at Kiao-chau, and was recently to be reinforced by a couple of warships under the command of the Emperor’s brother, Prince Henry, whom he probably hopes to make Emperor or Governor-General of China. The departure of Prince Henry from Kiel is an event which will be known in history as the " mailed fist expedition.” The German Emperor’s programme has a good deal of a well planned Qoup d’Etat about it, originating no doubt out of the discomfiture of liord Salisbury over the Armenian business, in which he was dragged at the chariot wheels of the European Concert, which concerted nothing. The German Emperor must be aware that the Armenian question did not take the hold on the British nation that it hftvt tone, for the simple reason

that British interests and trade are almost nil in Armenia, and that the British nation is what Napoleon termed “ a natiou of shopkeepers ” ; that i 3, of traders. He will soon discover this, if he has not already done so, and that China is not Armenia. Great Britain has not only enormous trade interests there, but that the two countries are, so to speak, in friendly alliance; and some years ago when the Kaiser was a lad at school England lent one of her best Generals in the person of Gordon to suppress a great rebellion which then threatened the existence of that Empire, which the ruling statesman in China, Li Hung Chang, has not forgotten. Irrespective of our trade interests in China, which total up more than that of all other nations, we have great political interests there. It must be remembered that China borders our vast Indian Empire, where nearly 300,000,000 of people acknowledge the sway of the British sceptre. The Queen of Great Britain and Ireland and the Colonies is also Empress of India—the visible and living symbol of which latter title is the Indian attendant on Her Majesty’s person, whom'the German Emperor has no doubt himself often seen. Her Majesty’s Diamond Jubilee celebrations in' London last year, in which the Indian Princes and Indian troops were prominent figures—even more so than the Colonials —was a demonstration to Europe' and the world that the British Empire is one united whole; that any attack or threat on the integrity and independence of any one part of the Empire would if necessary be met by the united forces of the whole. Now, it so happens that, although London is the capital and financial centre of the Empire, Calcutta, the capital of India, is, so to speak, its centre of gravity, and that must on no account be disturbed in the slightest degree. This great truth would be ocularly demonstrated to anyone who would visit the British ports of, say, Aden, Kurrach.ee, Bombay, Colombo, Madras, Calcutta, Rangoon, , Penang, Singapore, Labuan, Hongkong, &c., .as well as the ports of Shanghai, Yokohama, Manilla, Batavia, &c., and also the Suez Canal, which, thanks to the foresight of Lord Beaconsfield, is fully half-owned by the British Government. The true policy of the British Government in the present crisis in the East is to say to the German Emperor that: —“ The present position in the East is of your own making, not ours. Our Empire there, and our trade interests are so vast and so delicate that we cannot permit the present state of things to last any longer. You have, of course, heard of the Monroe doctrine of the United States, of which you had some recent experience in Hayti, of which doctrine Spain is also having some experience in Cuba now, and which we ourselves are also experiencing at this moment in Venezuela, and which is at present sub judice between us and the United States/ We would also remind you that Louis Napoleon had some experience of this doctrine during the American Civil War, when he attempted very much the same thing in Mexico that you are now attempting in China, We have therefore to remind you that Europe is well acquainted with this. doctrine which was adopted by the United States to prevent the American Continent from being made another huge camping ground for armies as Europe is. We, therefore, beg to inf rm you that we have now applied this doctrine to the East' and must therefore request of you to retire from China within 30 days from date hereof.” Prior to the sending of such a despatch to the German Emperor as indicated above, the British Government should send 10,000 Sikh troops from India to Hongkong, and collect 10,000 more at one of the Indian ports ready for embarkation. Without a display of force all diplomatic doc imeats would prove to be merely wastepaper, as President Lincoln’s Government experienced with Louis Napolean when he had placed Maximilian on the throne of Mexico by the aid of French bayonets. It was not UDtil the American Civil War wa3 over and thousands of veteran Unionist troops under the best American generals were concentrated in strategic positions on the borders of Mexico that Louis Napoleon paid any heed to American remonstrances. Then, but not till then, he beat a hasty retreat and left Maximilian to his fate. Such a policy as above indicated would no doubt result in a shriek amongst the politicians of the Great Powers, who are for ever quarrelling amongst themselves, but the German Emperor would speedily find himself isolated in Europe, whilst the British Government would have the support of the civilised , world because it would have right and justice on its side, If Russia is foolish enough to side with Germany—which we are certain she will not do—the united British Empire is quite strong enough to face such a combination, Our grandfathers successfully faced a much stronger combination 80 or 90 years ago, when all Europe was practically united against Britain under the military power of Napoleon, with the United States for a time included. We could, ifdesirad, havetfce

alliance of Japan, with her 300,000 well, trained troops and her splendid modern navy, andalßothe moral, if not material, support of the United States. The quarrel, if it is to be, is not of Britain’s seeking. If in defence of our Eastern Empire and Eastern

trade we must resort to the stern arbitrament of war, whether against Germany or Russia and France, or all three combined, let it be done at once instead of shirking and delaying it, which would only intensify the evil. A resolute and determined people like the British do not admire a timid Government; a bold and prudent policy would be a successful one. An influential party in England has for years past advocated Britain’s non-intervention in European affairs, which has invariably ended in discomfiture and dishonour, as it has done in Armenia. Lord Beaconsfield was himself partly inclined to this party. He saw that England was really a great Asiatic Power, and it was during his administration that the Queen was proclaimed Empress of India, and it was be who despatched the Indian troops to Malta when war was imminent with Russia, and by this bold stroke of policy, which astonished Europe and the world, materially assisted in averting it. We in New Zealand in common with the rest of the Empire are of course deeply interested. It is unfortunately true that oUr own trade interests in the East are at present practically nil, but that is solely owing to the want of proper direct steam communication with those great and populous countries. But if we follow the example of nearly every European State, as well as of America and Canada, by the establishment of a properlyorganised monthly steam service solely for carrying our unrivalled food products, bur trade with the East, although it might not increase by “leaps and bounds,” would prove to be an ever-growing one if once properly initiated. THE VAPOURINGS OF HENRY OF ORLEANS. Despite the confident announcement by Prince Henry of Orleans that the world will soon see the French flag dominant in the Upper Nile region, there is every reason for believing that in the not very distant future Britain will hold the Nile from its delta to its source in the great lakes of equatorial Africa. The Egyptian army is steadily advancing towards Khartoum, and the possession of Kassala, taken over recently from the Italians, will be in the future an important factor in controlling the Eastern Soudan. Kassala stands on a healthy, well-watered plateau, close on 2000 ft above sea level, and lies about 250 miles from the Nile. There exists an easy and well - watered route down to the Red Sea at Massowah, and there is also a route supplied with water down to the Nile Valley a little above Berber. The Atbara, a tributary of the Nile on which Kassala is situated, is only partially navigable, and that during the season when the Nile is high; but there is always water available along the way to Berber. It would be an easy matter to run a railway from Kassala, to Berber, or better still, when the power, of the Khalifa is broken, to Khartoum itself. This would open up what used to be, and will be again when the Pax Britannica i 3 established in the Soudan, one of the great trade routes of Africa. As a base to operate against Khartoum, Kassala may be of great value when the time comes for the final assault on the stronghold of the Dervishes. It would be interesting to know how Prince Henry proposes to stay the onward march of the Egyptian forces. Apparently he relies on the aid of King Menelik, but however much the Abyssinian monarch may desire—if he desires at all -to oblige one of the “ Pom Pom ” fraternity, it is hardly likely he would risk the enmity and consequent vengeance of Great Britain. Russia would undoubtedly give Prince Henry “ moral ” assistance, but there the assistance would begin and end. The French Government at present has its hands fully occupied at Home and in West Africa; Russia has enough to do to look after the Far East. Prince Henry may vapour as much as he pleases; but Britain remains Britain still, whether it be in the agreement made' with Menelik through Mr Rennell Rodd, or on the march into the Soudan.