THE VOGEL BANQUET.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 232, 19 February 1876, Page 15

THE VOGEL BANQUET.

The banquet to Sir Julius "Vogel on his return from England came off at the Odd Fellows' Hall on Friday night, and must be pronounced a marked success from every point of view. The sitting accommodation of the Hall for a gathering such as this dinner was tested to the utmost; and though the committee had wisely resolved upon limiting the issue of tickets to 300, not a few people it is certain contrived, in their anxiety to be present, to procure the relaxation of this rule, and as a consequence cheerfully consented to take whatever accommodation they could get. There were many more than 300 present, but owing to the active exertions of Mr. South, the honorary secretary, and the members of the committee, all were made to feel comfortable. The gallery was occupied by a numerous and fashionable assemblage of ladies, amongst whom were Lady and Miss Vogel. His Worship the Mayor presided, having on his right hand the guest of the evening, Sir Julius "Vogel, K.C.M.G.; E. Pearce, Esq., M.H.R. ; the Hon. Harry Atkinson, Minister for Lands and Customs; and on his left George Hunter, Esq., M.H.8.; the Hon. C. C. Bowen, Minister for Justice ; W. S. Moorhouse, Esq., M.H.8.; and the Hon. W, H. Reynolds, Esq. Mr. Black was in the vice-chair. Besides these there were seated at the cross and central tables most of the leading citizens of Wellington and the members of the City Council. The members of the Wellington Volunteer Fire Brigade attended in a body in uniform. The caterer on the occasion was Mr. Jones, of the Melbourne Hotel, who provided a A r ery excellent dinner. So soon as the tables had been cleared the Chairman gave the toasts of the Queen, the Prince of Wales, and Royal Family, and his Excellency the Governor, which were drunk by the company standing, Mr. Raymond, who presided at the piano, playing the airs suitable to each toast. The Chairman then gave "The Army and Navy." Captain Fergusson returned thanks for the army, saying that the time-honored toast had been responded to as it always was by Britons. The Chairman then called upon the company to charge their glasses, and when he rose to propose the toast of the evening was received with an impetuous enthusiasm which vented itself in cheers lasting over several minutes. Mr. Hutchison was sure the toast was one that deserved enthusiasm at their hands. (Prolonged cheering.) It was thus they desired to welcome him back to the land for which he done so much. He (the speaker) would not delay them long. Good wine needed no bush. He felt that in the remarks he was about to make he should have been better pleased had Sir Julius Vogel been absent, as he felt that his praise would come better. Mr. Hutchison deprecated speaking from a view limited by mere party politics ; he and those present wanted ty do honor to one who had made the name of New Zealand a household word throughout England and the world. Sir Julius Vogel had initiated the Public Works policy, which spoke for itself, and about which he need not say a word._ He desired to point to the commercial activity of Wellington ; to the homes built all around them ; to the contented working-men, industrious and happy in obtaining a fair day's wage for a fair day's work ; that, and the throng of shipping at the wharf, was enough bring to home to them the good of Sir Julius Vogel's policy. Their guest had gone Home, and many professed sorrow because he had gone. Mr. Hutchison was sure that those were the gentlemen who were now most sorry that he had come back. (Great cheering). Sir Julius had gone Home because the affairs of the colony required it ; and there could be little doubt but that the unjust aspersions cast upon him during his absence had more than anything contributed to the generous manner in which Sir- Julius had been received on his return, for no honest

people cared to hear a man abused behind his j back. Mr. Hutchison then paid a plain and forcible tribute to Sir Julius Vogel's exertions in the matter of immigration, and to the manner in which he had negotiated the last loan. But Sir Julius had done more than this : he was like Lord Brougham, as described by Sir Francis Romilly, who found time to do everything. The spirited defence of the colony in " Fraser's Magazine," the successful carrying out of cable communication, and hosts of other things which would crop up from time to time would show how he had worked for the colony. However, he (Mr. Hutchison) would not detain them. They had Sir Julius Vogel with them (great cheering) though some had said and written that he meant to stay at Home ; and he was here to take the helm in the crisis which had arrived in the history of New Zealand, and which would require large and varied attainments in their public men. The truest and best system of local self-government had to be worked out, and with that question he believed Sir Julius Vogel and his colleagues would deal in a large and liberal manner. In conclusion Mr. Hutchison drew attention to the reception of Sir Julius Vogel on his landing, which was worthy of him and worthy of the city of Wellington. Sir Julius Vogel on rising was received with loud and prolonged applause. On the cheering subsiding, he said : Mr. Mayor, Vice-Presidents, and Gentlemen, —I feel myself quite at a loss to express in terms lvhich at all are calculated to satisfy myself the appreciation I have of the very kind manner in which you have received me on my return to Wellington, for the land remarks you, Mr. Mayor, have made in proposing my health, and the very kind manner indeed in which you gentlemen have received those remarks, and have responded to the toast. (Cheers.) I know I shall not be able to express myself as strongly as I feel; but I hope you will believe me when I say that the recollection of my reception will constantly live in my memory ; and although I cannot pretend to be worthy of that reception and the praises you, Mr. Mayor, have kindly passed tipon me, I think, at any rate, they will do this good—they will make me strive to deserve them. (Cheers.) Perhaps I may be allowed to say before I proceed further that this is the first occasion upon which I have ever had the opportunity of speaking to the working classes of Wellington, or the citizens of Wellington; but I assure you that has not been my fault. I am not going to throw any blame upon anyone for that. It may have been mere accident; but at any rate, although I have dwelt here for some years, and have never had any disinclination to take a part in the public affairs —to do which is, I think, the duty of every person who lives in a community yet I have not previously had the opportunity of being brought into communication with the residents of the city of Wellington respecting public affairs. However, it is very pleasing to be before you tonight to speak of public matters. Gentlemen, I am not to-night going to make a long reference to my recent visit to England. Indeed, I have almost been given to understand that you would prefer I should talk not so much of the past, but that you would rather like to hear my opinions on the condition of affairs in the colony at present, and my opinions as to the future. Still, although it will not be my purpose to enter into details, I will just refer to one or two subjects, and ask your indulgence while I remark upon them. I, as you are aware, went Home by the overland route, and suffered from very bad health ; and as I approached England I began to hear accounts as to the feeling with which the colony was regarded that were far from cheering. Almost the first intimation of what was going on in London was the report that for some considerable time past New Zealand had been subjected to persistent attack in some of the leading journals in London. One of these journals, a magazine possessing not only an English but a world-wide circulation, and read by most influential men in all parts, had pubfished an article which surprised all people, and might have had a disastrous effect upon the credit of the colony, at a time when it was most desirable that the credit of the colony should not be attacked, and when any injury to it might have been a very serious thing for us. I also received an intimation from those who were associated with me in the negotiation of the loan, that this was about the worst time that could have been chosen, and that it was very undesirable to proceed. Coupling these facts with the depression which naturally falls upon one in ill-health, you may be sure I was not in a very cheerful frame of mind as I approached the Mother Country. I felt that a large responsibility had been cast upon me, and I had to meet it under most unfavorable circumstances. In reference to that which was certainly one of the most important objects which I had in view in visiting England, the raising of the loan, you have heard opinions expressed here by those who profess to know all about it—and I need hardly say that sometimes that class of people really don't know very much, (cheers; — and those opinions have not been altogether complimentary to me. But, gentlemen, I will say this, that men in the money circles of England —men who by virtue of their experience and acquaintance with financial operations have a right to express an opinion—were unanimous in agreeing that considering the persistent attacks made on the credit of the colony by writers in newspapers—attacks urged on, at any rate never repelled, by those who should have been most anxious to uphold the fair fame of the colony—the negotiation was a most wonderful success. (Loud cheers). Whenever I met any one the first thing they said to me was, " I congratulate you upon the success of your loan." (Cheers). And nothing more surprised me than to find that in this colony there "were great doubts upon the subject of the negotiation of the loan having been a success. Mr. Mayor, you have referred to the subject of immigration. It was considered desirable, I may say necessary, owing to circumstances which are so notorious that it is not necessary for me to refer to

them further, that a Minister should personally be brought into communication with the Agent-General. That was one of the duties which called me Home, and which involved a large amount of work ; and another and very important subject was the dealing with the question of the electric cable. I think it is beyend a doubt that colonists of New Zealand generally have for some time past considered it very hard that this colony should have so long been without the means of telegraphic communication with the other colonies and with the Mother Country—it is the last but one of all important colonies to receive the boon. Except the Cape Colony, this colony of New Zealand is the last to be connected with England by cable. Year after year there had been a discussion on the subject, but without leading to any decisive and practical result. Meanwhile the people felt they were losing the advantages of such a connection—advantages great from a commercial point of view, as well as from many other points of view—with the Australian colonies and the old country. However, this was one of the matters it was my object to settle. I don't think I could possibly magnify the importance of this subject; and although I hope I phall not be accused of boasting—and here I may say that although I was not here to reply to the attacks made upon me, your very generous reception fairly may be regarded as relieving me from the necessity of replying to them —(loud and prolonged cheering)—and it may be inferred that I do not require to be my own trumpeter when I have so many kind friends around me to trumpet for me;—l say, although I hope I shall not be accused of boasting on the subject, I may observe that when I proceeded to England I carried with me authority by statute and by Governor's warrant to bind the colony for thirty-five years to a payment of £20,000 a-year, or £700,000 in all, in order to secure this cable ; and yet I only found it necessary to make the colony responsible for £SOOO a-year for ten years. (Loud cheers.) So that in all you will have got this cable for £650,000 less than the sum the Legislature authorised to be paid. (Cheers). Although, of course, it was understood that it was the duty of the Government to save asmuch as possible, yet I doubt very much if it was thought we should have got it so cheap. (Cheers.) What pleases me more than anything is this, that the contract was made with those who have shown themselves so well capable of carrying it out. Considering that the contract was only signed in May, and not completely ratified till June —I think I may say early in July, for it was only then that the specifications were approved—l think it is satisfactory testimony to the character of the contractors, and testimony also to the great advance in the science of laying these cables, that the cable has been so quickly laid. (Cheers.) Last year the materials only existed —there was copper here, iron there, and gutta-percha somewhere else —yet now these substances have been united, and now connect this colony with the rest of the civilised world, or will connect it in a few hours, for I learn the cable is within 60 miles of the shores of Nelson, and this laid, the end at present buoyed will soon be joined, and the circuit completed. (Cheers.) I must say in connection with this matter, that colonists here should not be unmindful of the fact that New South Wales has shown upon this, as well as upon other occasions, a desire to cooperate with New Zealand in promoting the interests of the two colonies. (Cheers.) It would be well were there such a disposition more general amongst this group of colonies : of this I am sure, it would be for the benefit of all. (Cheers.) There was another subject, and one of a technical character, with which I had to deal, namely, the arrangement with the Bank of England for inscribing our loans. In my opinion, such an arrangement cannot fail of very much improving the character of ourfinance and increasing the value of New Zealand securities. Now, gentlemen, the way in which my attention was directed to the subject was this: I was told that a very large amount of trust funds would have been invested in New Zealand securities but that the trustees naturally felt a disinclination to hold the debentures, and thereby become responsible for their custody, which is necessary when trustees invest in stocks payable to bearer. But by making the arrangement for having them inscribed, there was no responsibility attached to the trustees. I am of opinion, and I think the opinion is shared in by the other colonies, that this result will very much enhance the value of all colonial securities of every colony that takes advantage of the arrangement. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I will not further trouble you with special references to my visit to the old country, except such as, in the remarks I have still to offer, may incidentally crop up. I should like, however, if you will allow me, to refer to certain matters which transpired during the last session of Parliament. (Loud applause). It was, and is still, a matter of great regret to me that I was unable to be present to assist my colleagues in the hard work they had to perform. (Cheers). And, gentlemen, I must say that I feel more accutely than any attacks that were made upon myself, the systematic and continuous attacks which a section of the House levelled at one of my colleagues—the oldest of my colleagues—who has held office with me continuously, with the exception of a few weeks, since 1869. And upon this subject I must say a few words. I hold that the attacks levelled at Sir Donald McLean and his department were at once ill-advised and ungenerous. (Cheers.) I say, and you will allow me to speak with some amount of knowledge of the subject, that Mr. Fox (of whom I never speak but with feelings of affection) when he and the Government who were in office at that time were introducing the Public Works policy, would never have felt himself entitled to introduce that policy with any hope of seeing it carried forward to a successful issue, had they not felt complete security in the presence of Sir Donald McLean—security from the native disturbances which

had so retarded the progress of the colony. (Cheers.) The whole success of the policy depended upon our being able to carry it out without having our attention diverted from the work by those native disturbances. In fact, it was the general confidence in the tact, discretion, and large knowledge of Sir Donald that enabled us to feel security in leaving to him the management of native affairs ; and thus we were enabled to introduce the Public Works policy, and carry it out successfully. Anyone who inclines to look at things fairly is perfectly aware that to deal with such a race of men under such peculiar circumstances was a matter of very considerable difficulty, and that hard-and-fast rules will not apply in the pursuit of such a work. No one could possibly have larger power and discretion placed in his hands than had Sir Donald McLean; and I am firmly convinced that it would have been impossible for any one to have exercised that discretion more honorably, worthily, and with a greater eye to the good of the colony than has Sir Donald McLean. I say further this, that there had always been a tendency to forget these native difficulties, and those who have been the means of bringing about a comparative state of order, when the immediate danger is past. (Cheers.) I hope such feelings will not again prevail. The progress of the colony at the present time is due to the fact that the people are enabled to devote their attention to other affairs than native matters, and they should not forget that they are enabled to enjoy the results of that progress because they have had as a Minister of Native Affairs one so capable of fulfilling the trast reposed in him as Sir Donald McLean. (Applause.) I now come to that question which has excited so much attention throughout the colony during the past twelve months —the question of the abolition of provincialism. (Prolonged applause). When the Public Works policy was first introduced by myself, Mr. Pox being then head of the Government, one of the remarks made at the time, and which I believe attracted a considerable amount of notice, was that the Public Works policy was not introduced with any design to affect the provinces ; but, at the same time, if the result showed that the Public Works policy could not be carried out concurrently with the existence of the provinces, then the provinces must yield and not the Public Works policy. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, it would have been ridiculous in the extreme —indecorous, as well as ridiculous—if Ministers, every time they had occasion te feel that the end was approaching, had come down with threats, saying, You must not do this, or you must not do that, or else we shall propose abolition. The only responsibility in that matter was as to the manner in which it should be dealt with. There could be no half measures. Either it was proper to deal with it, or it should be left alone altogether. In 1873 I think I may say our sense of endurance was pretty well exhausted. We then discovered that it was almost impossible to continue very long as we were. In 1873 it became the duty of the Colonial Treasurer—l had then the honor of holding that position—to propose that adventitious and extra assistance be given to every one of the provinces, with two exceptions only, and those two wanted assistance in another way. In consequence of our great resources and wealth, they said, we want to borrow large loans. Nearly all the provinces wanted assistance from the General Government ; some on the ground of impecuniosity ; others, possessing large means, wanted to, borrow more money, whilst the onus and responsibility rested on the shoulders of the Colonial Legislature. I think the Government saw it was useless to go on in this way, and that a change was necessary. I would like to say this much, that every inducement was offered to members of the Government, on the crround of private, ease, and comfort, to leave the subject alone. It was at the latter end of the session, members said they were axious to get away and were willing to give the Government all the necessary supplies without any fresh controversial subject being introduced; every inducement, therefore, was in the direction of leaving this subject alone. I ask you, therefore, should we have resisted these invitations, had we not thought our duty demanded us to act as we did? Then we proposed to deal with the North Island provinces, and did not then discuss the question as to the necessity which might arise of dealing with the South Island. You must, I think, agree with me when I say that I hold the opinion, so far as the North Island is concerned, that it was of no importance whatever to maintain the tradition of their boundaries. They answer no useful purposes ; indeed they are more inconvenient than otherwise. I can see no reason for saying that the Province of Wellington should end at the Patea river, and the Province of Taranaki should begin there ; and the same remark applies to Taranaki and Auckland, to Wellington and Hawke's Bay. With regard to the question of finance, it became obvious that the credit of the colony suffered through the existence of ten different governments with ten different systems of finance. But I will not say more upon that point at present, as I shall in all probability have occasion to refer to it again. I would ask you to remember this, however, that I have no desire to cast any blame upon the provinces for their anxiety to proceed with provincial works. It was the necessary result of the stimulus given by the Public Works policy. Therefore there was a certain amount of rival feeling. But you must not forget that in reality the General Government has done more of provincial work during five years than any of the provinces had dreamt of performing. For years I was associated with Otago, which province had been most anxious to get a line constructed from Dunedin to the Clutha, and was very desirous of getting that line constructed by paying 8 per cent, interest for a term of seven years on £400,000. Gentlemen, that work has since been accomplished by paying 5 per cent, interest on £370,000. (Applause.) We have,

in fact, done provincial work, and it was very natural that the provinces should say: "We do not wish to be left alone ; we willalso try todo provincial work." They said: "Only give us the means ; only let us borrow that we may carry out these works." But the credit of the colony has its limits, and it was found necessary that the colony itself should proceed to undertake the responsibility of carrying out the public works. Now, gentlemen, I come again to that which I said just now—the desirability of a change in the Constitution of the country. The necessity for a change is absolute. Moreover, I am not prepared to say that the country would not have reaped a considerable advantage had the change been made some two or three years earlier. (Cheers.) I am not unmindful of the services that the provinces have rendered in times past. I think that the doing away with the provinces is not a matter to be jubilant over, but rather a matter which is necessitated by a stern sense of duty. The colony for some time past has been doing provincial work, and consequently so far the change is not of a very sweeping character. The money expended in the different provinces for some time past had been provided by the colony;—it was raised on the credit of the colony, and not on that of any particular province ; and it amounted to this, that even the works which were termed "provincial works" were those which were carried out by means of indirect assistance from the General Government, or from the Colonial Legislature. In fact, for some years past all the provincial'work has been executed by money filtered through the General Government or General Assembly. _ I believe the changes which will be made will benefit largely the outlying districts, though at the same time it would not be fair for me to say that I believe it was ever the intention of the provinces to neglect those districts, or that designedly it was ever attempted to _ make provincialism a form of organised centralism. I am sure, however,that those districts will benefit largely by the changes which will take place. I do not think that anybody, no matter what his opinions may be, will deny that the debate on the abolition question in the House of Representatives was a credit to the colony and to the Legislature. (Applause.) I have heard the remark made by those who have no personal feeling or interest in the matter, that they looked upon the debate as being very ably conducted, and some of the speeches made were speeches that would have been considered good in any Legislative body in the world. (Applause".) And as this is the seat of Government, the people should feel proud that their representatives conducted the debate with such ability. I do not all complain of the stand that was made by those who took an opposite view to that which the majority held. I think it was desirable that the struggle should have been of the most exhaustive kind; but I am free to confess that the action taken by them since the result was arrived at was Of most mischievous kind. I cannot help thinking that the attempt to deal with this question by what is called a " side wind," is not only to be regretted, but is likely to do a great deal of mischief ; and I think also that the ends of those who took part in the subsequent opposition are most likely to be defeated by the very action they have taken. (Applause.) I will now refer to the cry which has been raised for separation ; and I may say that my opinion is, that the cry has not been an honest one, and that it was not made with any other idea than that it might divert attention from other important objects in view. Now, at onetime I ardently espoused the cause of separation. I was of opinion at that time, when the difficulties existed in native affairs that I have referred to, that the form of government suitable to the Middle Island was not suitable to this island ; and I was of opinion further, and for that matter am still of opinion, that the cost of dealing with native affairs should not fall upon the colony, butupon the Mother Country, which had added New Zealand to its possessions. I believed in separation at that time, and in the throwing upon the Home Government the cost and responsibility of carrying out native affairs. I thought they should pay the six millions of debt which the colony had incurred through native disturbances. The very first thing I did when I arrived at Home was to urge that the colony had been burdened with this immense sum by the native difficulties, and I thought we had _ a right to ask the Imperial Government to assist us. Consequently I applied for a guarantee for the £4,000,000 loan. For some two or three days I had reason almost to hope that my application would be granted, and I had the opinions of many men of power and influence that we had a very good case. However, it was not entertained, and I had not time, neither was it possible, to push the matter under the circumstances. But at the same time I say that the colony never should rest satisfied until a full investigation into the matter has taken place. When people first came out to New Zealand they were under the impression that it was a Crown colony, and that the whole responsibility of native affairs would be borne by the Imperial Government. It was, however, thrust upon the colonists themselves. This was one of the principal reasons that operated in my mind at that time in favor of separation. But it is now too late to think of separation; and it does not say much for the intelligence of the men who suppose it is possible to carry it out. I believe that when the Middle Island consented to pledge its resources to aid the settlement of this island, it looked forward, as it necessarily might, to gaining relief in the long run, when in course of time the population of this island will exceed that of the other. If I were in Otago, which I believe is the headquarters of this separation movement, for I do not think it was seriously spoken of in Auckland, I would very respectfully intimate to the people there that the idea of separation is a very shortsighted one. I say distinctly that matters affecting the colony as a whole are more important to the province of Otago than any

local matters can be, and nothing could be more shortsighted than for that province to cry out for separation, to the damage of the whole colony. I will now leave the question of separation and come to another, which I think has equally been made a stalking horse without respect to the real question at issue—l refer to the compact made in 1856. I believe that all that has been said respecting this compact has been said with the view of creating a feeling against the abolition of provinces ; but I do not think the North Island can look upon that compact as having operated prejudiciously to its interests. Have not roads been made from one end of this island to the other under the authority of loans contracted on the responsibility of the whole colony, and has not the other island agreed that at the expense of the whole colony the best landed estate that could be purchased should be purchased for the benefit of this island ? (Applause.) £700,000 has been devoted by the Legislature for the acquirement of this estate. I trust that neither the arguments of one side nor of the other will operate against the plan of having one government, one finance, and an extended system of local government for the colony. (Cheers.) But I don't look upon this change as one of unmixed good. It throws upon the Legislature a very large amount of additional work, which sometimes it will have a very great deal of difficulty in performing. It was, however, a change that it was impossible to avoid. Nor can I, when taking over the provinces, forget that difficulties will arise of very large outstanding floating debts due by them of which the colony will have to bear the burden or deal with in some way or other. But, gentlemen, I have already expressed an opinion that a change is necessary. In fact; I have done more than that, I have said that I deemed it impossible for any gentlemen who occupied seats on the ministerial benches to ignore that fact. I think there never was a time when it was more desirable that able men on all sides should co-operate in finding the best possible substitute for Provincial Government. Although the General Government has done provincial work for some years past, there can be no doubt that the changeitself involves a very powerful wrench. Neither can there be any doubt that although we may be able to deal with the principal questions involved, yet we cannot get away from the system that has grown up for years, and we shall have more or less trouble to build up a new system. (Hear, hear.) It will be my endeavor, as far as I am personally concerned, to heal the differences of opinion which at present exist. They are not of a political nature, and to my mind do not spring from differences of conviction, but rather from personal disagreements. Meanwhile the interests of the colony demand our first consideration. (Applause.) It is impossible for us in looking over the provinces to overlook one thing, that is, the administration of the land laws? I hear people quarrelling over the distribution of the land fund ; but it sometimes strikes me that the more important question is the administration of the land laws, and that is a question which has now to be dealt with by the central Legislature. It is not a question of the destination of the land fund, but a question of the administration of the land laws. They should be dealt within a liberal spirit, which would keep a check upon monopoly, and to the fullest possible extent allow the lands to be thrown open, so that everybody who wishes to live upon his own land may do so. (Cheers.) I will not detain you much longer; and I am very grateful to you for the patient hearing you have already given me.; but I must say that I think the advancement of municipal government is one of the greatest movements of the present age, and that it is going back to the old days of free cities. Powers are being given to municipalities of a very extended nature, and they now have the control of gasworks, waterworks, drainage, and public libraries. But I express the opinion that it is not desirable that a large harbor like this, which supplies not the wants of the city only, but which is the port of a great district, without any intervening harbor northward to Waitemata, should be tied up in municipal hands. (Applause.) This city of Wellington has large duties to perform besides those of supplying the residents with water and gas, and supplying proper sanitary arrangement. I cannot help remarking that this harbor has no superior in the whole colony ; in fact you may go on either side of this island for hundreds of miles without coming to another sach harbor. It is excelled by none, and only equalled by the Waitemata. But this harbor does not only belong to the city, but to the colony at large, in common with the other great harbors. I think these great harbors demand very great and attentive consideration. Now, I have heard a great deal said about the possibility of depression, and that we are not always to sail along smoothly. _ Well it would be unreasonable to expect anything of the kind. I think what we ought to ask ourselves is this—have we attempted to develope this country unduly ? Have we thrown awaygreat works on a country unworthy of them ? Have we endeavored to give to this countrymeans of development beyond that which it is capable of ? It is very gratifying to me to find that the working classes have taken such a prominent part in this banquet, and_ the reception which was given to me a few nights since. I am not in the habit of speaking much about myself or my past career, bat on this occasion I am tempted to say that anyone who knows anything of my past career, must recognise me as a member of the working class. (Applause.) I have known what it is to work very hard, and I have known what it is to want, and I have always had to depend upon my own personal industry; and I may say to those who wish to know what facilities this country affords to the working men that whatever position I hold I owe entirely to my own industry. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) When I landed in Victoria, now nearly a quarter

of a century ago, (I went there contrary to the wishes of my friends,). I had a very considerable amount of support. I had plenty of letters of introduction, and plenty of means to guard me against any misfortune that might arise, but I came to New Zealand without a single letter of introduction, and without any extraneous aid, and I owe to my own exertion, and to the generosity of the people of this colony, who I believe are quite prepared to recognise the efforts that are made in public affairs, quite independent of those considerations of influence and patronage which ha\e weight elsewhere—l say I owe to that generosity the position which enables me to appear before you in my present character. (Loud cheers.) I say emphatically that this is the colony for the working classes—(cheers) — and so it is regarded in other parts of the world. In other countries the working-man may be well off, but not so well-to-do as he is in New Zealand. In this country every man has the means of obtaining ample food, and also of getting a freehold. He has every means of obtaining the comforts of life, and above all he has the means of educating his children. Therefore, I say that the people of this colony as a whole should endeavor to distribute the wealth over the many, and not confine it to a few. Taking the population, altogether, I question whether you will find what in the older countries would be called a very rich man, but yet wealth is so equally distributed that I do not think there is so rich, a community in any part of the world. I hope this will continue to be the case, and that the money will be distributed among the many, and not confined to the few. I thank you very much for the kind reception you: have given me. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) The Chairman called upon Mr. Black to propose the next toast. Mr. Black said that on behalf of the work-ing-men of Wellington he would content himself with briefly asking them to drink the health of the Ministry. The Hon. W. H. Reynolds responded, and remarked that being no longer a member of. the Ministry he did not think he should be called on to respond. Nevertheless, he felt that he could well respond for a Ministry in whom he had the utmost confidence, and whom he would not have quitted but for the fact that business engagements required his stay in Otago. He felt that in future sessions he would be found in support of a Ministry that he knew could best deal with the great questions likely to come before the country. Mr McKirdy briefly proposed "The members for the city of Wellington," saying that they had faithfully done their duty for five years, as was attested by their return for another period of five years by their constituents. _ (Cheers).

Messrs. Pearce and Hunter on rising were received with cheers that lasted many minutes. Mr. Pearce returned sincere thanks for the reception accorded to the toast o£ his health. He need hardly assure them that the entire sympathies of himself and Mr. Hunter had been with the object of the banquet. They fully appreciated the manner in which the services of Sir Julius Vogel had been acknowledged. It was also a symptom that their guest was esteemed for what he was, that outside his public service he was appreciated as a citizen. Mr. Pearce remarked that the return of himself and Mr. Hunter was the best proof of the appreciation in which Wellington held Sir Julius Vogel, and this banquet was therefore observed by them with peculiar satisfaction. Mr. Rankin proposed "The Mayor and City Council." The Mayor briefly returned thanks, observing that though the Council was about the best abused body in this part of the world, rhey perlormed their duty so we]l that those who we- -i their most rampant critics would make but a poor show beside them in the management of civic affairs. With reference to what Sir Julius Vogel had said, he (Mr. Hutchison) thought nobody could manage the harbor better than the City Council. (Applause, and derisive cheers.) Sir Julius Vogel, before proposing a toast not on the programme, disclaimed any intention to detract from the ability of the Council to manage the harbor, but merely meant to say that as all government should be of a representative character, it was not proper to cive the management of works outside the city to those who were only representatives of the city, though undoubtedly able. Sir Julius then said he desired to propose the toast which had been suggested to him, namely, "Prosperity to the working classes." No one more than he appreciated the rights, privileges, and value of labor. There was a feeling growing up in the world that labor had its rights as well as capital, and there was also a feeling that hitherto capital had had rather too large a share of the rights. He did not desire to enter into a vexed question, but he would say that in. any venture the labor which achieved it should receive a share of the profits as well as the capital invested in it. That question was now urgent in Great Britain, where people saw employers of labor leaving grand fortunes behind them, whilst the labor itself was left to starve. Labor ran its full share of risk of failure in a venture, but did not obtain its adequate share in success. The legislation of the Imperial Parliament, the slowest in the world, had at last recognised this. Happily, in this country there was little need for such legislation. In proposing the toast of the working classes, he was only in another sense proposing the colony itself, as the prosperity _of the colony was intimately associated with the prosperity of the working classes. He coupled with the toast the name of Mr. Black.

Mr. Black returned thanks. Mr. Worth proposed "The Press, which was responded to by the representative of the New Zealand Times. Mr. C. O'Neil humorously proposed the toast of " The Ladies," which was duly honored, and responded to by Mr. South. The "Host and Hostess" and "The Chairman " were then proposed and honored, and the proceedings terminated by the singing of the National Anthem.