Politician.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 177, 21 November 1874, Page 6

Politician.

DINNER TO SIR DONALD McLEAN. (Erom the Hawked Bay Times, Nov. 13.) On Tuesday evening a complimentary dinner was given at the Criterion Hotel, Napier, to Sir Donald McLean, Native Minister, and representative of the- Napier district in the General Assembly. Over eighty gentlemen were present, many of whom had come in from the conntry. Among them we noticed the native chiefs Te Hapuku, Ihaka Whanga, and Haurangi. The chair was taken by Joseph Rhodes, Esq. ; on his right was the guest of the evening, and on the right of Sir Donald was His Honor J. D. Ormond, Superintendent of the province. Sir Donald wore the badge of the Order of St. Michael and St. George. The board having been cleared, the chairman gave the usual loyal toasts of “ The Queen-” and “ The Governor.” Sir D. McLean rose in acknowledgment of the latter toast. He had much pleasure, as one of His Excellency’s Ministers, in retumingthanks for the way in which the toast had been received. He could bear his own testimony to the zeal and ability which His Excellency had displayed in administering' the Government during his term of office. After the toast of “The Army and Navy,” The Chairman proposed the toast of the evening. The present company were all friends—some of them very old friends—of the gentleman they had met that evening to honor. The meeting, he was pleased to see, was a large and influential one. It was nothing new to Sir Donald McLean to make friends. Many of his warmest friends had never seen him or known him personally. Sir Donald was one of those who had fairly achieved greatness —not had it thrust upon him. Thirty-five years ago he had begun at the very lowest round of the ladder, and had now reached almost the top. Little need be said of the success of Sir Donald’s native policy —it might, he thought, be summed up in the words of Thakombau, late King of Fiji, on abdicating his throne : —“Peace and rest are what we want. These are our riches. Let strife and turmoil cease for ever.” These were wise words ; and old Thakombau was either a very clever fellow, or had a clever man to prepare his speech for him. He called upon them to drink to “ The Guest of the evening—Sir Donald McLean.” Sir Donald McLean, on rising to respond, was received with great enthusiasm. PERSONAL. He expressed his deep gratification at the kind reception accorded him that night. Looking round, as he did then, on the faces of so many old friends, he felt a species of regret that he had been so long separated from them. Nothing but the exigencies of the public service had impelled him to follow the career he had pursued ; and which he trusted had been for the benefit of the colony at large. The terms in which his friend the chairman had referred to his services were altogether too flattering. He could say, for his own part, that during the thirty years he had been in the service of the colony he had done his best to restore and maintain that peace which now prevailed from one end of the colony to the other. Regarding the honor her Majesty had been pleased to bestow upon him, he might say it was entirely unsolicited on his part ; and he was proud that it had fallen to him while still a representative of Hawke’s Bay. IN OFFICE. THE POLICY OF THE MINISTRY. In referring to his recent political career, it was necessary that he should take them back to the time when he first assumed his present office. The circumstances of the colony were then such, and the difficulties so great, that they required to be grappled with in no ordinary manner—in fact, he believed that nothing but measures of a very strong and decided character could have saved the country from ruin. This being the case, the Government of which he was a member decided to enter upon a policy of colonisation and of immigration and public works, assured that the large resources of the colony, still undeveloped, and in many cases hidden, were sufficient to justify them in incurring extensive liabilities in order to develope these resources, satisfied that the results in the end would well repay the country. And their anticipations had so far been fully realised. The rate at which the country had progressed was unexampled—and as for its resources, we were as yet but upon the outside or surface crust of them.

RAILWAYS VERSUS ROADS. An essential of the scheme was road-making. During the brief period it had been in operation they had pierced the interior and run lines east and west to the extent of 1700 miles of road and tramway in this island, and 300 in the other. In this great work the aboriginal inhabitants who had originally offered such opposition to the opening of the country, were now heartily assisting—in fact, taking road contracts, and vigorously carrying them out. Another and still more important feature of the scheme was railway communication. This system was found more economical than that of roads in the long run, as when once established, the large annual expense of keeping roads in repair was done away with. Over one hundred miles were now open for traffic, and another hundred nearly completed The whole system of railways, chiefly trunk lines, when completed, would not be less than one thousand miles. The colony would have been quite justified in incurring this heavy expenditure, if only from the great results which had followed railway extension in the other Australian colonies. In New South Wales the original lines had cost £40,000 per mile, and in Victoria £34,000. They now cost only about one-fourth of this amount; but even the early lines, with all their disadvantage from the enormous cost of construction, were a success. In New South Wales one year’s traffic amounted to 80,000 tons ; there were 1,200,000 passengers ; and a saving of £2,000,000 a year in transit alone, besides other advantages. In Victoria also they were a great success ; the Treasurer’s receipts last year showing a balance of £200,000 above the estimate, arising from the increased railway traffic. It was found that the farther the lines were extended the better they paid ; and in Victoria alone nearly a quarter of the revenue was derived from railway receipts. Therefore we need not despair of the colony deriving profit from a general system of railways.

EXPERIENCE IN CANTERBURY. In Canterbury a railway system was inaugurated some years ago, and traffic with the plains in the interior was opened up by means of the Moorhouse tunnel. The result had surpassed all expectation. The extensive plains had been settled from one end to the other by a large and industrious population. Already this year the railway receipts had mounted up to £77,ooo'for nine months, and would probably reach £IOO,OOO by the close of the year. Yet when the work in that province was first undertaken, the forebodings of croakers were of the most dismal kind. Similar success, he believed, would attend the Government scheme, when fully developed. COLONIAL AND INTERCOLONIAL TELEGRAPHS. Another means of communication which had not been lost sight of was the electric telegraph, which they had pushed forward, and which had proved a great success—the revenue of the department having been found to be much increased since the reduction of rates. We might now shortly expect not only to have the fullest telegraphic communication within the colony, but to be placed in immediate communication with the mother country. The chief object of his visit to New South Wales had been to assist in the arrangement between the colonies of New Zealand, New South Wales, and Queensland in this matter. Some delay had taken place by New South Wales not at once ratifying the arrangements made at the Colonial Conference, but this was at length completed, and he had the pleasure of seeing the necessary resolutions passed through the Assembly before leaving Sydney. Nothing now remained to be done beyond arrangements in England, which would be attended to by the delegates who were going home for that purpose. But for unexpected delays, we should possibly ere now have been in direct communication with London. GOLD MINING AND IMMIGRATION. The important interest of gold-mining had not been overlooked by the Ministry. They had realised the fact that the gold diggers, as a class who had raised an export amounting to twenty-nine millions sterling, were entitled to attention and encouragement. In connection with the subject of public works was the important question of immigration. Much vigor had been shown in this department, and though the selections in all instances had not been quite what was desired, •ach successive shipment had shown an improvement in this respect, so as to give every hope of getting a steady influx of the better class from country districts to our shores. The accession to our population from this source had already been very considerable, and it was calculated that by the end of the year it would have reached fifty thousand souls. PROVINCIALISM. He now came to a subject which had excited much discussion—the abolition of the provinces. He was a firm believer in it, and so was his friend Mr. Ormond. The framers of the Constitution, with the exception of Sir George Grey, had not regarded provincial institutions as being of a permanent character. Their views were well set forth in a passage he would take the liberty of quoting from Earl Grey, in a despatch written to Sir G. Grey in February, 1852 : With respect to the powers to be entrusted to the Provincial Councils, I am disposed for my part to believe —notwithstanding the alteration which you state to have taken place in your own views on this point—that, in the progress of events, as colonisation extends and the several settlements are drawn nearer to each other in boundaries and interests, they will very soon assume more and more of a municipal character, while the functions of |the General Legislature will increase. But I do not think it would be advisable to introduce any special provision either to accelerate or retard such a gradual change. Anticipations as to the course which political affairs may hereafter take, are everywhere liable to be disturbed by many unforseen events,-and most of all in new and advancing societies. Hence it seems to be the wisest course to rest satisfied with adapting the institutions which are to be established, as well as may be practicable, to the existing state of things, leaving their future development and the alterations which a change of circumstances may hereafter require, to be effected by the local authorities thus created. A truer prediction could not have been made. In the debates in the Imperial Parliament on the subject of the Constitution great doubt was

expressed as to whether legislative powers should be given to the Provincial Councils, and -« whether the Superintendent should or should not be elected. This would be shown by his next quotation, from Sir John Pakington, who succeeded Earl Grey on a change of Ministry taking place : It has -been thought advisable that the Provincial Councils should consist of a single chamber. They (Her Majesty’s Government) have been led to this conclusion by the comparatively unimportant nature of the functions of these councils, which will be limited to locals objects, such as would be considered here to be of a municipal character, rather than partaking of the higher attributes of legislation. For the same reason Her Majesty’s Government determined on submitting to Parliament another suggestion originated by yourself, though not actually reduced by you to practice : that of rendering the Superintendents of provinces elective. . . . Nor have provisions been inserted giving executive authority of any kind to the Superintendents. It is, however, my wish that any such executive powers as may be found necessary, in order to carry on the functions of Government in the respective settlements, may be entrusted to these officers. This may be done by your authority as representing the Crown, or by Act of the Central Legislature, as the case may require, but they should at all events, be always included in the Commission of the Peace for their respective localities. . . . The provisions of section 70 (authorising the formation of municipalities) have been introduced into the statute in order that its enactment may not clash with any measures which you are taking, or may be advised to take, respecting the establishment of municipalities. At the same time I wish to convey my own opinion that, considering the character and'functions of Provincial Councils, which must be eminently of a municipal character.it seems doubtful whether there will be any necessity for the creation of other local authorities subordinate to these until New Zealand has attained a greater amount of population than is likely to be the case for some time. We had now an opportunity of realising the correctness of the views here expressed. In many parts of the colony the provincial system had done good service ; but the time had arrived when change became necessary. It ■would be an easy one, and scarcely felt. SUBSTITUTE FOR PROVINCIALISM. In Napier they would soon have the Municipal Corporations Act in operation—a measure so flexible as to apply to almost any circumstances likely to arise ; and in the country districts the highway boards now established in every part of the country, ■with increased powers, and shire councils, would be found quite as efficient as the present system. Perhaps, too, in Hawke’s Bay, they might find gentlemen sufficiently public-spirited to serve the colony as presidents or chairmen of such councils without salary. At all events, he had indicated a cheap and easy method of government, more simple and practicable than existed under the present system. As for those people who said, “ Let us see what you intend to substitute before you abolish the provinces”— depend upon it, they did so for a purpose—from some interested motive—not from any genuine desire for the public welfare. Under provincialism the outlying districts had been scandalously neglected. In the northern districts of Auckland, for instance, scarcely a shilling had been expended until the General Government stepped in and made roads and bridges. Poverty Bay was treated Math similar neglect; modest as the requests of the inhabitants of the districts were, they failed to receive consideration. He remembered one instance of a request being made for a copy of tlie Provincial Government Gazette, but was not aware whether even this small boon had ever been granted. The aim of the Government was to localise the revenue as far as it was possible to do so. The powers desired by the neglected and outlying districts were of administration rather than legislation ; and the proposed change would at once do away with the large expense of maintenance of the provincial legislative establishments. It was intended to establish local selfgovernment to the fullest extent ; to place the control of the revenues in the hands of the people, so that those who raised the funds might have the direction of their expenditure. hawke’s bay in the olden times. He would, as an instance of the operation of provincialism, revert to the condition of Hawke’s Bay before separation from Wellington. A petition of Hawke’s Bay settlers for separation, presented to the House of Representatives on the 27th of April, 1858, sets forth that the proceeds of land sales up to the end of 1857 were £46,000; Customs up to the same date, £4966; total, £50,966. Then, from January, 1858, to the 31st of October, 1858, land sales in Hawke’s Bay realised £24,525, while those in Wellington proper were not half that, viz., £12,138. The large sums then drawn from this district and Wairarapa were spent in Wellington and Wanganui. ’ In 1856, the Provincial Council placed on the estimates the sum of £2OO for public buildings in Hawke’s Bay, and £IOOO for roads. The £2OO was spent, but not the £IOOO. In response to the loud complaints of the settlers, £SOOO was afterwards placed on the estimates to be spent in this district; but very little of that amount found its way here. This would give some idea of the beneficent results of provincialism. More than this, the province had been • saddled with a large share of the Wellington debt, of £IOO,OOO, involving an annual payment of £2500. In 1869, by the exertions of himself and of his friend the Superintendent, a Bill was carried through the Assembly, under which the matter was referred to arbitration, and the annual payment by this province reduced to £7OO per annum. The object of the Government in the proposed change was to do away with the centralising influence and tyrannical powers of the Provincial Governments, and bestow upon the outlying districts increased powers to manage their own affairs. MR. VOGEL’S VISIT TO ENGLAND. It had been alleged that the object of the Premier’s visit to England was to get an Act passed by the Imperial Parliament, by which he would be empowered to abolish the provinces. As they had no doubt read in a local journal—the Herald —the Imperial Act of IS6S, entitled “An Act to declare the powers of the General Assembly of New Zealand to abolish any province in that colony, or to withdraw from any such province any part of 4-. be territory thereof,” gave ample power to the? Assembly to carry out any such changarii it thought fit ; and the Premier was not so unintelligent as to go home to undertake a work already accomplished.

no union of haivke’s bay and Wellington,

He had heard it asserted that it would be desirable to re-annex Hawke’s Bay to ellington. It would not be impossible to do this—a similar thing had already been done in the case of Southland and Otago —and the personal and political feelings of certain politicians were decidedly in its favor. Bor himself, he would never be a party to such a project, nor did he think it would find much favor in this province. On the principle that “ a burnt child hates the fire,” they would oppose it. They had had enough of Wellington, and no one among them would be willing to throw away their birthright in the manner suggested. Of course, in carrying out a system of immigration and public works of such magnitude as the one now inaugurated, very great expenses were necessarily incurred. THE INDEBTEDNESS OF NEW ZEALAND. As there seemed to be much uncertainty prevalent as to the precise amount of the expenditure and indebtedness of the country, he would now place a few facts before them which might make the subject clear, and show them what the position of the country really was. At the end of December, 1869, a general and provincial debt of over seven millions had been incurred. At the present time the total indebtedness amounted to £12,509,546, reduced by the redemption of Treasury Bills on November Ist by the amount of £IOO,OOO, which would leave a balance of £12,409,546. There still remained to be raised for immigration and public w0rk5£5,327,900 ; for defence, £192,000; and for general puiposes, £230,900 ; bringing the total debt up to £18,160,346, the annual interest on which would be £921,447. It would be seen, however, that the colony had still a spending power of upwards of £6,000,000 before the whole of this annual sum became due. REPRODUCTIVE WORKS. This would be all devoted to reproductive purposes, and his colleague the Minister for Public Works would see that it was dispensed with a due regard to the interests of the colony. Another subject of which the Government had recognised the importance was the necessity of providing a colonial estate. Under the old land purchase system they had acquired six millions and a-half of acres, and under the new four millions, besides being in treaty for the lease or purchase of about altogether seven millions of acres. This would open up an enormous field for settlement, and materially add to the progress of the colony. THE NATIVE RACE. He felt that he ought now to advert to the native question. It had been his earnest desire, in his dealings with the Maori race, to establish a reign of peace. He saw no possible object in carrying on a contest with a fine race possessed of many noble qualities, and had endeavored, in the interests of humanity, to put a stop to it. The chief sufferers by war, he had noticed, were generally the weak and helpless- —those removed far from the cause of quarrel, and out of the reach of ready assistance—and though often provoked by taunts that his policy was not sufficiently stringent, he had gone on his own way, convinced that it was the best for the interests of all classes. In quenching the embers of rebellion, he had received much cordial support from the friendly native chiefs, without whose aid and co-operation it would have taken a much longer time to bring about the results that had accrued. He had heard many complaints of the heavy expenditure in the native department. Native affairs had cost the Imperial Government twelve millions, and the colony over four —a great deal more altogether than the whole present debt of the colony, and the results had not at all corresponded -with the outlay. Years ago, when he had much to do -with native affairs, and the colony was in peace, the expenditure in this direction varied from £II,OOO to £14,000 per annum. Brom this, after he ceased to have control, it had risen up in a few years to £60,000, but had now been reduced to much narrower limits; and £9500 of the present annual expenditure was devoted to teaching the native children English—the only way, he was convinced, in which the difference between the ■two races could be bridged over—by which they could grow up together as one people. Macaulay had protested against the preservation of the old languages of India, and though in this respect he was outvoted by the commissioners of education, events had since proved him correct, and his recommendation had now been carried out—the results being highly favorable to the advance of Western civilisation in the Hindu world. MINOR MEASURES OF GOOD. While attending to the wider interest of the colony the Government had not been unmindful of measures of a social nature. He referred to the Government scheme of annuities and life insurance; which, being guaranteed by the revenue of the colony, was free from the risk which attended private institutions, the failure of some of which in the Home country had led to wide-spread distress amour; the provident classes. The Public Trustees Act was also a very beneficial measure in a country where the private avocations of people otherwise qualified so often precluded them from accepting the duties of trustees. This Act had been highly thought of by the neighboring colony of Victoria, and would no doubt be adopted there. Then there was the Band Transfer Act, for which the colony was greatly indebted to the member for Rangitikei, the Hon. Mr. Box—a measure commending itself so strongly to a large portion of the community as to require no recommendation from him. In conclusion, he must acknowledge with gratitude the most able co-operation and efficient support he had received from the officers, of his department. To them he was indebted in a very great measure for the sucoess_if he might call it so—which had attended his administration of native affairs. Sir Donald resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, his whole address having beep listened to with the greatest attention and frequently applauded. The meeting shortly afterwards broke up.

SIR GEORGE GREY’S PETITION. (Brom the Canterbury Press, November 10.) We publish this morning among our interprovincial telegrams the substance of the reply of His Excellency the Governor to the petition addressed to him by Sir G. Grey. Our readers will remember the general purport of the petition. Sir George assumed that Mr. Vogel’s object in visiting England was to apply to the Imperial Parliament for such an alteration of the Constitution Act as would confer on the General Assembly the power of abolishing the provinces. lie urged various considerations why such abolition should be regarded as unconstitutional and revolutionary. And he concluded by instructing the Governor as to his duty in two particulars. Birst he hoped His Excellency “would feel that it was his bounden duty to his Queen and country to summon the General Assembly to meet with the least possible delay. Secondly, he prayed the Governor to telegraph immediately to the Imperial authorities that there was no person qualified to communicate with them respecting the proposed abolition, and that any negotiations on the subject would be illegal and a violation of the rights, liberties, and privileges of the people of New Zealand. To this tirade the Governor gives a courteous and dignified, but crushing reply. In a few sentences he disposes of Sir G. Grey and his memorial most effectually. He points out, in the first place, that the petition invites him to “ act independently of, if not in opposition to,” his responsible advisers, a course which, he rightly adds, “ would be justified only by great and exceptional emergencies.” He proceeds to meet the petitioner’s statements with an emphatic denial. There is no intention, he says, on the part of the Colonial Government to make any application of the kind alleged ; nor is there any necessity for doing so to enable the Assembly to carry out the constitutional changes it has declared advisable. There is also “no person ‘ qualified ’ —if by that expression is meant ‘accredited’” —to negotiate with the Imperial Government on the subject of the abolition of the provinces. The Governor hopes this information null satisfy Sir G. Grey that his petition as to the assembling of Parliament ought not to be complied with; and also that it is needless to telegraph to Her Majesty s Ministers a fact which must be as well known to them “ as it might be supposed to have been known to every person in this colony.” His Excellency concludes by expressing his sense of the value of Sir George’s opinion on the affairs of New Zealand ; in consideration of which he is willing to forward any representations the latter may wish to make. But with regard to his conduct as Governor of New Zealand, with every respect for Sir G. Grey’s greater experience, he must claim the right of acting “ according to his own view of his duty.” Altogether we fancy Sir George begins to feel that he has made himself rather ridiculous. He must wish he had been less hasty in rushing into print with his petition. The Governor’s reply puts him in the wrong on every point. It shows that he was entirely mistaken in his facts; that his statements as to the proceedings of the Government were without foundation; and—though His Excellency writes with studied courtesy—manages to convey a strong hint that the good advice he so freely bestowed on the Governor in his memorial was a piece of uncalled-for, not to say impertinent, interference.

SIR GEORGE GREY’S SECOND 9 • PETITION. (Brom the Lyttelton Times, November 7.) The Auckland correspondent of the Press Telegraph Agency must surely have perpetrated a hoax, or attempted to do so, in sending the summary of a second “ petition” from Sir George Grey which appears in another column. It is inconceivable that Sir George Grey could have written such an extraordinary document, on the ground that no one has enjoyed better opportunities of making himself acquainted with the history of New Zealand, politically and socially. We are, therefore, unable to believe that he should have first learnt from a recent issue of the Lyttelton Times the nature and origin of the land compact of 1856, and must come to the conclusion that there has been “ some mistake somewhere.” The compact, whether right or wrong, just, or unjust, has been frequently referred to—must have been quoted during Sir George Grey’s last term of office—and it seems to us impossible that he can now say he was not before acquainted with its nature and origin.

(Brom the Otago Guardian, November 6.) His ex-Governorship is fickle in his loves, and on this occasion he lays his votive offering at the feet of—the Superintendent of Auckland ! His first object he abandons. His original cry was —“ Our liberties in danger !” “Bally round the old Constitution !” . And thus some well-meaning but silly people in the South flattered themselves that they had secured an irresistible champion for their cause. Alas ! how very much disappointed -will they be when they read Sir George’s latest thing out. He has shifted his ground (probably because he found it untenable) from the broad platform of provincialism, and now comes forth as an opponent of the “ compact ” of 1556, and the defender of the “ rights or what he is pleased to term such —of the Province of Auckland. We have neither time nor space at our command to discuss this precious document just now, nor would it be fair to do so, because, as we are advised, the telegraphic summary of Sir George’s paper wired to us is imperfect and incomplete. But we shall return to it again. Meantime, enough surely has been said to disillusionise the late enthusiastic admirers of the Champion of the Constitution.

(Brom the Marlborough Times, Nov. 10.) Sir George Grey has issued another manifesto on the subject of provincialism, and so far as we could understand the telegraphic summary of it, the production is neither calculated

to enhance his reputation as a statesman, nor assist the cause he advocates. When his first petition was made public there was certainly some reason to fear that it would have an injurious influence, notwithstanding the fallacies it contained and the incorrectness of the principal premises upon which its deductions were based. But fortunately Sir George has himself destroyed his own work, by furnishing in his later productions antidotes to the mischief which his first petition threatened to create. Instead of being the oracle who was supposed to have spoken words pregnant with deep meaning and influencing the destinies of the colony, he has proved himself a mere visionary, entertaining wild notions and promulgating impracticable schemes of government, to which no man possessed of common sense could possibly give adherence. Evidently seclusion has not been beneficial to Sir George Grey.

(Brom the West Coast Times, Nov. 2.) The attack on the provincial system, the pet creation, it might almost be said, of ex-Governor Sir George Grey, seems to have driven that esteemed gentleman almost out of his senses. After a few years’ retirement at Kawau, he has again come to the front, though now out of the gubernatorial list, with no probability, and most likely no inclination for appointment of the kind again. No one can deny that Sir George Grey possesses rare administrative and political ability, but his sojourn in his beautiful island seems to have left him behind the age, and he now wakes up to New Zealand’s necessities, much as Rip Van Winkle of happy memory is presumed to have done to the altered condition of his native village, after his century sleep. It seems as though at Kawau Sir George Grey can only regard the outer world of New Zealand as it was when he politically ostracised himself, and he is evidently unconscious of the strides that the colony has taken in a few short years. . . . Despite Sir George Grey, Mr. Bitzherbert, or fifty others, the doom of Provincialism is sealed. It has served its end, it has been of vast service during its time, but the period for its abolition has arrived, and its expense can no longer be borne by the colony of New Zealand. The sooner the close comes the better, and it is to be regretted that a man so highly and deservedly respected as Sir George Grey is, should emerge from his retirement to prop up a rotten and a falling cause.

PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES. (Brom the Sydney Morning Herald.) Our readers have already been informed of the proposal in New Zealand to diminish the amount of provincialism, by smeltimg all the provinces of the Northern Island into one. This proposal, though not yet carried out, is likely to be, and will establish a precedent certain to be followed with regard to the provinces of the Middle Island. Provincialism seems to have done its work, and now that steamboats, roads, railroads, and telegraphs are binding the different settlements together, the advantages of having so many separate seats of Government and so many separate sets of officials, are getting outweighed by the disadvantages. Without any policy of “ blood and iron,” without any conquest and defeat, but simply under the controlling influence of economical and political considerations, provincial frontiers are about to be obliterated for everything except municipal purposes. This phenomenon is not an isolated one. It is not only in New Zealand that peaceful consolidation and the abolition of governments too little to be useful are the order of the day. On the other side of the world, and in another group of British colonies, we see the same policy asserting itself, though under somewhat different conditions. In the Dominion of Canada were grouped together several different colonies, but some of them were really too small to make it worth while to preserve their separate identity ; and it is now proposed that the maritime Governments of the Dominion, namely, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland should be fused into a single province, under the name of Acadia. The scheme has not yet been carried out, any more than the corresponding scheme lias received Parliamentary confirmation in New Zealand. But it has been suggested; and when ideas are in harmony with the progress of events, and in fact are merely bom of the time, they are ideas that will sooner or later be realised. We may look upon it as a certainty that in both cases there will be a consolidation of small governments brought about under the operation of free institutions, just as in Germany there has been a similar consolidation brought about by military force. It may be asked whether such consolidation, repeating itself as it is doing, in contemporary history under various forms, is to be read as a protest by the spirit of the age against federation. There are at present, as there have long been, some theorists who maintain that the federal system is the beau ideal of government —the only form that can combine local attachments with large communities; and there are, both in Brance and in Spain, those who would break up the present unity of the Government, and reproduce a federation of the ancient provinces of those two kingdoms. It is argued on the other hand that federation is a policy of the past, and that for military as well as for civil purposes consolidation is the more effective form of government. So far, however, as consolidation is only that of inconveniently small communities, it is not in itself an argument against the practical expediency of federation. It only goes to show that there are limits of convenience with respect to the size of separate Governments. It is possible that the separate elements of a confederation may be too small, it is equally possible that they may be too large ; and there may be a juste milieu, -which only experience can determine, which will give the perfection of results to the federal system. In modification -of this view, however, it mav be observed that we have not yet determined the limits of consolidation. All that

contemporary history shows is a strong tendencv towards such consolidation, without at all indicating any limits to it. What we are witnessing in our own day may be repeated in the next generation on a larger scale. The facilities for governing from headquarters are greater than they ever were before in the history of the world. Telegraphs and railways have proved great patrons of concentration, and it is impossible at present to set a limit to the area of territory, or the number of people who may be contentedly governed from one centre. The whole subject is one of very great prospective if not immediate interest to the Australian colonies. That these colonies are tending towards some sort of union is treated everywhere as an axiom. But it is still an open question of what sort the union will be. The general impression has been that it will partake of the character of a federation—an idea which is mainly due to a supposition that we must necessarily follow the example of the United States and of Canada. But if, during the period which must yet elapse before an A.ustralian union can be cemented, it should appear, as seems not altogether unlikely, that the federal system should become somewhat disparaged, and that a consolidation would be preferable, it may be that Australia will skip the intermediate stages passed through by its precursors, and form that closer kind of union to which American institutions seem to be tending. It seems admitted by all politicians that the American civil war made a great change in the character of the American federation. The first aggregation made after the war of independence was of a much looser texture than that which was subsequently effected, and that in turn was still looser than the bond which now exists. The war killed the doctrine of State sovereignty, and made the American Republic for ever one and indivisible. Brom the time that the several colonies were simply united by being colonies of Great Britain down to the present, the movement of events has been steadily towards concentration, and there is no indication whatever of any reverse movement. We need not suppose it necessary that a fresh war will be required to make a fresh change, while it is easy to see how, as a matter of convenience and public policy, a greater unity of action may grow up, first as a voluntary imitation, and ultimately as a matter of conpulsion. Efficiency of administration is undoubtedly promoted by centralisation; but, on the other hand, the love of liberty, the individual initiative, the variety which can only take place where there is free scope for social and political experiments, and the inter-action of ideas out of which progress is born, are to some extent most favored by localism. It is one of the unsolved problems of practical politics how far it is possible to combine the advantages of the two systems, and, when such combination is impossible, on which side the balance of advantage lies.

MR. T. L. GILLIES ON PROVINCIALISM. Mr. T. L. Gillies, addressing his constituents at Milton on the 6th instant, made the following remarks on the question of the abolition of provincialism : They would remember that he prophesied that in the face of the public works policy they had to make up their. minds to the abolition ; but this was to be done, not by a resolution, but by providing something that would render the provinces unnecessary. With that view in mind, he and Mr. Reid had carried the Road Board Ordinance, which had done much good. And as far as Otago was concerned, legislation had provided for the establishment of counties. But the fact was, the people were not ready yet for this last. If the Counties Ordinance were in operation and education endowed, then there would be no necessity for Provincial Government, and that was the way he wanted to see Provincial Governments abolished, by providing something in their place. In the meantime, he thought Provincial Governments had done their work well. He asked them as business men, if they found their business extending, would they pull down the old barn before the new one was built, or break up a single plough before the double one was ready. If they did not bear this in mind provincialism would be abolished in such a manner as that they would have to deal with a power remote from them, and over which they would have no control. It would be unfair to the constituency he represented in the General Assembly to go more fully into this. He was now before them as a Provincial Councillor; and if they sustained him by their confidence, he would do his best to give the administration into the hands of the best bodies, but would oppose sweeping away their safeguard against bureaucratic Government. Works had been more cheaply carried out by the Provincial than by the General Government, as he had proved in the Assembly.