RUSSIAN AIMS

New Zealand Herald, Volume 81, Issue 25050, 14 November 1944, Page 3

RUSSIAN AIMS

SECURITY THE KEYNOTE NO DESIGNS ON EUROPE LONDON, Nor. 11 The new Europe, which is arising amid the stresses and strains of the world war, is discussed by the Times, of London, in an editoral article. The writer regards the drive by the lied Armies on Budapest and their firm entrenchment in East Prussia as an instrument and symbol of a great turning point in history—tire emergence of Soviet Russia as the greatest power on the Continent. This is likely to prove as decisive for the future as the establishment of the British command of the seas at Trafalgar or the downfall of French predominance at Waterloo and Sedan, states the Times, Remarking that victory in 1918 was indecisive, because both Russia and Germany were defeated, the article says:— "Toda,y victory, which has already been driven home in the East and is being completed from the West, will mark the final downfall of Germany's brief, baleful ascendancy. Germany's Prestige Gone "Germany, in the period now opening, will not be, for the first time since 1871, the focus of international relations and the determining factor in the foreign politics of every European country, and for the first time in history there will be no Power at the heart of the European Continent to match the Powers in the East-West —Russia and Britain—neither of which is exclusively or, perhaps, even primarily European in interests and concerns."

Emphasising the unpreccdentedness of the situation, the Times discusses the question being universally asked: What role will Russia assign to herself in Europe? The Times asserts that Russia, like Britain, has no aggressive, expansionist designs on Europe, but wants security. It adds: — "Admittedly she is not likely to favour intervention by other great Powers among her neighbours, but ] Britain h.%s traditionally resisted such intervention in the low countries or in the vicinity of the Suez Canal, as the United States has done in Central America, which they regarded as vital to their security. Precaution Against Aggression "It would be foolish, even hypocritical, to construe insistence on this right as a symptom of Russian aggression. "Britain and Russia will share—as it is hoped the United States will also share—in long-term measures of precaution against aggression in Europe, but neither Britain nor Russia has a tradition of domination or supremacy in EuropQ. "Accordingly British and Russian interests are precisely the same." Referring to apprehension that a powerful, victorious Russia would propagate Communism, which is expressed especially in the United States, the Times says Russia at present is not using her influence to promote Communism or anything approaching it, and instances Russia's support of Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia, not because he is a Communist, but because his leadership rests on the broadest popular support. Study ol Local Conditions The Times instances Italy, where Russian influence tends toward the popular front, also Poland, where her aims are for a compromise between the different Polish elements. "Everything goes to show that Russia, in framing European policy, will study the local conditions carefully and with a large measure of detachment," it adds. "This is clearly the spirit of the Stalin-Churchill conversations in Moscow, and accounted for their brilliant and far-reaching success."

Turning to the dangers of anarchy and civil war in a disorganised Europe, the Times re-emphasises the need for close co-ordination of Anglo-Russian policy, also for assistance by a regenerated France. In addition it must be ensured that a German capacity for evil does not survive, but the positive task of building up a new European community, especially in social and economic organisation, lies ahead. Change In Economic Life

"One advantage we enjoy today, compared with the peacemakers in 1919, is the knowledge that salvation will not be found in a return to the 19th century system or an imitation of it," says the Times. Another is that the old framework of European economic life has been so radicallv shattered that tho victors will be confronted not with a theoretical choice between different economic principles, but a vast complex of social questions clamouring for an immediate answer. "An essential' condition for their solution is to consider Europe not as a single unit, but as a series of interwoven, inter-dependent units, none of whose interests can be considered, except in relation to the interests of the whole." MAIN ALLIED AIM UTTER DEFEAT OF GERMANY HITLER IS NOT IMPORTANT Hitler's silence on the anniversary of the Munich putsch of 1923 is more eloquent than any speech he has ever made, states the Sydney Morning Herald in an editorial article. Only the gravest causes could have kept him from the microphone on this Nazi gala day. He is reported to have become more and more of a recluse since the alleged bomb outrage in July. He let the funeral of his friend Rommel go by without a word, and it is the odious Himmler who now takes the salutes and issues the decrees.

The German people are told that their idolised Fuehrer is suffering from overwork. It may be so. Nobody outside of Germany cares very much. Hitler has ceased to be important. The only interest in his apparent eclipse is whether it will hasten the break-up of the inner Nazi gang. With or without Hitler as a figurehead, Himmler, Goebbels and the rest will keep the Nazi fetters on the German Army and people to the last possible moment. They know their lives are forfeit. .

, But the extirpation of the vilest brood of criminals that ever seized power in a reputedly civilised land is not the main Allied aim. Hitlerism may go, and Himmlerism after it; but, unless Germany be brought to utter defeat and impotence, she will prepare to striko again. Hitler is or was a symptom of the German militarist disease. Whether that maladv bo curable or not we do not know. But at least it can and must be prevented from breaking out in a third world war.

ISLAND-HOPPING SUCCESS The Japanese strategists believed that tho United States would never recover from the defeat at Pearl Harbour, writes the well-known Washington journalist David Lawrence. They thought the United States, being preoccupied with the European war, would never be able to build up a navy or air power sufficiently strong to go right across the Pacific. Unquestionably the Japanese are now nonplussed when they see the United States naval and air might mobilised within a few hundred miles of their homeland. This could not have been done without the previous work of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps in what was called islandhopping.