The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, FRIDAY, APRIL 14, 1944

New Zealand Herald, Volume 81, Issue 24868, 14 April 1944, Page 2

The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, FRIDAY, APRIL 14, 1944

THE CROWIfrI IN ITALY

i Whether the compromise proposed - by King Victor Hfmmanuel will ease the political situation in Italy remains to be se&n. While he is not abdicating the throne, he proposes on the day the Allies enter Rome to [ vest his powers :'sn his son, the Crown Prince Umberto, and himself withdraw from publSc affairs. The King's stated purpose is to eliminate any obstacle (meaning himself) to cooperation by rail parties with the Badoglio Government. Thus the King seems to expect those who have already 'refused to serve under him to change their minds. Maybe he knows hit! Italian politicians for his compromise would commit them to serving under his kingship in fact as well as *in name until Rome is entered, ai(nd in name after that. This falls fjar short of the minimum • I demanded 'by liberals and radicals. I Their ■ contention was that "in the I public mi rid the King has been for too long associated with the Fascist regime, ;jsnd that a clean sweep of everythkjg associated with Fascism is now desirable." Some would sweep &way the monarchy altogether, Substituting a republic. This extremes school may not have been helped foy the fact that the shrunken Mussolini has been beforehand, proclaimirflg his own puppet republic. Short of a republic, others have advocated a regency, the King abdicating in favour of his six-year-old granciison, the Prince of Naples. The King appears to have resisted this passing over of his son, the Crown Prince, and to have offered to abdicate: immediately in favour of Umberto. This offer was refused by the anti-Fascist coalition, and now it if? presented with a monarchical arrangement even less thoroughgoing. Fl'sor the time being the King has disced the Italian Whigs. Republic, regency and abdication in favour of Uunberto—all have been shelved in fa s'our of the most conservative compromise possible. The British and American representatives were con'S'fidted, and offered no objection. Tjheir disclaimer of responsibility and assertion that the arrangement is (Entirely domestic seem far from .'Satisfactory in view of the King's complicity in Fascist aggression, let the Allied attitude was confidently "forecast by the Italian historian Salvemini, now of Harvard ■ University, when he wrote: "WhatI ever happens, the British-American | diplomats will support the monarchy, f because, in their opinion, the monarchy still retains the confidence of the large majority of the Italian people. Furthermore, they believe the monarchy is essential to a well- . ordered Italian political regime and that Italy is not yet ripe for a republican constitution." Be that as it may, the King has not merely avoided being swept away with other vestiges of Fascism. He is contriving to negotiate with his conquerors, i, He has managed to have the State 31 of which he remains the head | accepted as a co-belligerent. He has ! secured recognition in Moscow over the heads of Britain and America. He has actually accorded formal recognition to Tito's organisation as the de facto Government of Yugoslavia, an astounding piece of effrontery from craven to warrior. All this within eight months of the • utter collapse of Italy! Truly those who have described the House of Savoy as masters of intrigue and scheming are justified in the event. The King's latest sleight-of-hand has been assisted by bringing the Crown Prince on to the political stage. After Rome is entered, Umberto is to exercise the royal powers although the King retains the title. The reality of this arrangement depends on the character of Umberto. He is supposed to have been antagonistic to Mussolini and Fascism, but he did accept the title of marshal at the dictator's hands, and on occasion found it fitting to wear the black shirt. His presumed elevation cannot, therefore, be held to accord with the "root and branch" policy against all that had to do with Fascism. But perhaps his new post is not taken seriously by any party in Italy because Umberto himself is not taken seriously. He is held as of little account. At any rate the Anglo- ' American representatives in Italy ■ say the arrangement amounts to an - "approximation of the viewpoints" r of King and parties. Behind all this ■ political manoeuvring and intrigue crouch the Italian people, cold, hungry, and oppressed by the completest apathy and indifference. Most of them care little about forms of government. They are sick of strife and revolutions ; they are afraid of anything that might deepen the present catastrophe; they desire nothing more than bread and peace. In that cry for stability lies an element of strength for the known King over the unknown politicians. Bread comes before political circuses. Reform may arrive later when the people have been revitalised. ENVOY TO MOSCOW The way has been cleared J or New Zealand to appoint a diplomatic representative in Moscow. The importance of this development has been properly emphasised by the acting-Minister of External Affairs in making the announcement. Not only is Soviet Russia one of the Great Powers, and bound to have a very large share in shaping world conditions when the war ends, she is, as Mr. Sullivan has said, "a country with important interests in the Pacific regions." Those are very good reasons for having a representative there. They are equally good reasons for selecting the man who is to go with the utmost care and discrimination. His will be, in many ways, the most exacting post to be filled abi-oad by a New Zealander. Unlike the Minister in Washington, he will face the barrier of an unknown tongue, and will have to walk among a people with customs, history and traditions very different from those to which he is accustomed. He will be charged with the high responsibility of making his country's point of view known in Russia. It will be his duty also to

interpret the outlook ancl policy of the Soviet Government to his own people in such a way as to deepen its understanding of that muchdebated country. To do this adequately will tax the powers of the best-equipped candidate who can be found for the position, which makes it all the more necessary that no pains should be spared in finding the best equipped. This is no post for anyone whose sole recommendation is that his political views are acceptable to the Government. Mill less is it an appointment for one who has been rejected by the people at the polls. Having done the right thing in arranging to exchange Ministers with Russia, the Government lias the greater call to be satisfied with none but the most suitable man obtainable for the position. NEUTRAL TRADING That Great, Britain and the United States feel the time has come to block, so far as possible, the flow of essential war materials from neutral countries to Germany has become abundantly clear. Mr Cordell Hull issued a plain warning in his broadcast last week-end, and action seems likely to follow hard on the heels of his words. The facts generally are well enough known—that tungsten ore from Spain and Portugal, chrome from Turkey, and iron ore from Sweden have helped to turnish the German war machine with materials it must have to continue working. To bring pressure on a neutral country over an issue like this is always a delicate question. The difficulties were discussed at some length at the end of January when the suspension of oil shipments to Spain was announced. The lines of British policy were revealed then. They embodied recognition that _ a neutral not subject to effective blockade could trade with all countries, but that special arrangements designed to increase the export of war material to the enemy were not compatible with neutrality. The trade in wolfram, or tungsten ore, was a case in point. The output during the war had multiplied ten times, and the price risen from £3OO to £7OOO a ton because of competitive buying by the belligerents. The Spanish Government, it was said, was about to provide Germany with substantial credits to allow heavier purchases —with an eye, no doubt, to stimulating Allied competition still further. There can be no defence of this kind of thing. If, in their determination to stop it, the Allies go further, and attempt to cut off enemy supplies of this and other commodities altogether, they will be doing no more than redressing a balance which swung heavily in Germany's favour when Nazi diplomacy was backed by a triumphant and apparently invincible army.