VICTORY AND AFTER

New Zealand Herald, Volume 80, Issue 24539, 23 March 1943, Page 4

VICTORY AND AFTER

TASKS AHEAD CHURCHILL SPEAKS A NEW EUROPE POST-WAR BRITAIN RECONSTRUCTION PLAN By Telegraph—Press Association —Copyright .(Reed. 5.35 p.m.) LONDON. March '2l In a broadcast to the world tonight the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, touched upon the present state of the war and suggested outlines for shaping Europe and Britain after the war. His proposals for Britain included a four-year plan of reconstruction. He said Hitler might be beaten next year, or the year after, following which additional forces would be turned to punishing Japan. i Mr. Churchill opened by thanking the very great numbers of people who inquired about him during his recent illness, states the British official w unless. "Although for a week I had a fairly stiff dose of fever, which, but fpi modern science, might have had awkward consequences," he said, "I never for a moment had to relinquish the responsible direction of affairs. 1 followed attentively what was happening in Parliament and the lively discussions concerning our home affairs when peace comes. Greater War Effort "It was very clear to me that many peoplo were so impressed by the favourable turn of our fortunes that they jumped to the conclusion that the wai will soon be over and that we shall soon he able to get back to politics and the party fights of peacetime. 1 am unable to share these sanguine hopes, and my earnest advice is to concentrate even more zealously upon the war effort. "If to-night, contrary to this advice, I turn aside from the course of the war and deal with some post-war and domestic issues, it is only because 1 hope that bv so doing I may simplify and mollify political divergencies and enable all our political forces to march forward to the main objective in unity, firstly, we must beware of all attempts to over-persuade or coerce the British Government to make it pledge itself to particular schemes without relation to other extremely important aspects of our post-war needs. The business of proposing expenditure rests ultimately with the responsible Governof the day, and it is solely its duty to propose to Parliament any new charges upon the public and the means of raising them. Beating Hitler First "The world is coming increasingly to admire the British Parliamentary system and ideas. It is contrary to those ideas that Ministers or members .of Parliament should become pledge-bound delegates. Nothing would be easier for me than to make any nurpber of promises and get immediate response in cheap cheers and glowing leading articles. I am not in any need to go about making promises in order to win political support or to be allowed to continue in office. At my time of life I have no personal ambitions or future to provide for. "It is our duty to peer through the of the future to the end of the ■war and try our utmost to be prepared, by ceaseless effort and forethought, for the kinds of situations which are likely to occur. Speaking under every reserve, and not attempting to prophesy, I can imagine that some time next year -but it mav well be the year after —we might beat Hitler, by which I mean beat him and his powers of evil into death, dust and ashes. "Then we shall immediately proceed to transport all necessary additional forces and apparatus to the other side of the world to punish the greedy, cruel empire of Japan, to rescue China from her long torment, to free our own territory and that of our Dutch allies, and drive the Japanese menace for ever from Australian, New Zealand and Indian shores. That will be our first supreme task, and nothing must lure us from it.

"Grand Climax ol War" "Nevertheless, in my opinion the moment when Hitler is beaten and Germany and Italy are prostrate will mark the grand climax of the war, and that will be the time to make a nfew declaration upon the task before us. We and our allies will have accomplished one great task. The Nazi tyranny and Prussian militarism which threatened to ongnlf the whole world, and against which we stood alone for a fateful year —these curses will have been swept from the face of the earth. "If I should be spared to see that day and be needed at the helm at that time, 1 shall then, with the assent of Cabinet, propose a new task to the British nation. "The war against Japan will demand a very different arrangement of our forces' from that which exists at present. There will certainly be a large number of men whom it will not he physically possible to employ across the vast distances and poor communications of the Japanese war, There will certainly be largo numbers of men not only abroad but at home who will have to be brought back to their families and jobs, or to other equally good jobs. For nil of these, after full provision has been made for garrisoning the guilty countries, to return to something like home and freedom will be their hearts' desire." Partial Demobilisation However vigorously the war against Japan was prosecuted, Mr. Churchill added, there would certainly be a partial demobilisation following the defeat of Hitler. This would raise most difficult problems and care was being taken to avoid the mistakes made last time. These ideas might be completely falsified by events. Japan, for instance, might collapse before Hitler, but, Mr. Churchill said, be was making the most likely assumption. It would then be the British hope that the United Nations, headed by the three great victorious Powers, the British Commonwealth, the United Ktates and Russia, should immediately begin to confer upon future world organisation, which would be their safeguard against further wars, Ineffectually disarming and keeping disarmed the guilty States, by bringing to justice the grand criminals and accomplices, and by securing the return to the devastated and subjugated countries of the mechanical resources and artistic treasures of which they had been pillaged. They should also have the heavy task of trying to avert widespread famine in the ruined regions. It was to be hoped that the unity of the three lending victorious Powers would be worthy of their supreme responsibility. They would think not only of their own welfare, but of that of the whole world. "One can imagine," Mr. Churchill said, "that under a world institution embodying or representing the United Nations, and some day all the nations, there should come into being a Council of Europe and a Council of Asia. As, according to the forecast I am outlining, the war against Japan will still be raging, it is upon..the creation of a

Council of Europe and the settlement of Europe that the first practical task will be centred. "This is a stupendous business. In Europe lie most of the causes which led to these two world wars. In Europe dwell the historic parent races from which our Western civilisation has been largely derived. I hope we will not lightly cast aside all the immense work accomplished by the creation of the League of Nations. Certainly we must take as our foundation the lofty conception of freedom, law and morality which was the spirit of the League. "We must try—l am speaking, of course, only for ourselves —to make the Council of Europe, or whatever it may be called, a really effective League, with the strongest forces concerned woven into its texture; with a High Court to adjust disputes and with armed forces, national or international or both, held ready to enforce these decisions and prevent renewed aggression and the preparation of luture wars. Anyone can see thai this Coujicil, when created, must eventually embrace the whole of Europe, and that all the main branches of the European family must some day he partners in it. The Smaller Nations "What is to happen to a largo,number of small nations whose rights and interests must be saieguarded? It would seem to me that, side by side with the great Powers, there should he a number of groupings of States or confederations which would express themselves through their own representatives, the whole making a Council of Great States and groups of States. "It is my earnest hope, though I can hardly expect to see it tulfilled in my lifetime, that we shall achieve the largest common measure of integrated life of Europe that is possible without destroying the individual characteristics and traditions of its many ancient, historic races. "All this will, 1 believe, be found to harmonise with the high, permanent interests of Britain, the United States and Russia. It certainly cannot be accomplished without their cordial and concerted agreement and direct participation. Thus, and thus only, will the glory of Europe rise again. I only mention' these matters to show you the magnitude of the task that will lie before us in Europe alone. Nothing can be done while the war even in the west has not yet reached its full height, while the struggle with U-boats is raging, and when the war in the Far East is only in the first phase. Four-year Plan "This does not mean that many tentative discussions are not taking place or that the whole problem of European destiny is not the subject of ceaseless heart searchings. We must remember, however, that Ave in Britain and the British Commonwealth of Nations, although almost a world in ourselves, will have to reach agreements with great friendly equals, and also respect and have care for the rights of the weaker and small States, and that it will not be given to any one nation to achieve full satisfaction of its individual wishes." Mr. Churchill discussed how the inhabitants of Britain would be able to get their living at the stage in the world story outlined in the earlier part of his speech, and how they were going to maintain and progressively improve the previous standards of life and labour. He said: "1 Dm very much attracted to the idea that we should make and proclaim what might be called a fouryear plan. Four years seems to me to be the right length for the period of transition and reconstruction which will follow the downfall of Hitler. We have five-year Parliaments and a fouryear plan would give time for the preparation of a second plan. Few Major Measures "This four-year plan would cover five or six large measures of a practical character which must all have been the subject of prolonged, careful and energetic preparation beforehand and which will fit together into a general scheme. When this plan has been shaped it will have to be presented to the country either by the National Government, formally representative, as this one is, of the three parties in the State or by a National Government comprising the best men of all parties who are willing to serve. "I cannot tell how these matters will settle themselves, but by 1944 our present Parliament will have lived nine years. As soon as the defeat of Germany removes the danger now at our throats and a r-ogister can be compiled and other necessary arrangements made, a new House of Commons must be freely chosen by the whole decorate, including, of course, the armed forces, wherever they be." This would give a clear mandate to whoever was burdened with the responsibility of conducting affairs in this very difficult period. Relations With Other Nations Mr. Churchill emphasised that _ a great deal of this transitional period would depend not only on our own action but on the action of other very powerful countries. Ibis applied not only to the conclusion of the war against Japan, but also to the disarming of the guilty and the settlement of Europe, to arrangements for the prevention of further wa.% and to the whole economic process of the relationship of nations in order that the ruin of our wealth might rapidly be repaired. employment and production brought to a high level and goods and services exchanged between man and man and between nation and nation on the largest scale. These tasks would take all our highest qualities, hut his faith in the vigour, ingenuity and resilience of the British race was invincible. The day of Hitler's downfall would be a bright one for our country and all mankind. We would march forward together, encouraged, invigorated and still, lie hoped, generally united. He personally was very keen to see a scheme for the amalgamation and extension of our present incomparable insurance system have a leading place in our four years' plan. Mr. Churchill recalled his long association with Sir William Bevcridge and with earlier insurance scheme developments. The time was now ripe for another great advance, he said, and anyone could see what large savings there would be in administration once the whole process of insurance had become unified, compulsory and national No Place for Drones " You must rank me and my colleagues as strong partisans of national compulsory insurance lor all classes and for all purposes Irom the cradle to the grave," Mr. Churchill said. " Kvorv preparation, including, if necessary, preliminary legislative preparation, will he made with the utmost energy. The necessary negotiations to deal with existing worthy interests are being actively pursued, so that everything will be ready when the moment comes." However, the best of all methods of insuring against unemployment was to have no unemployment. We could not afford to have idle people, whether rich or poor, idlers at the top made idlers at the bottom. None must stand aside in his working prime to pursue a life of selfish pleasure. Fortunately the wasters which existed in every class were only a small minority, but we could not have drones in our midst, whether they came from the ancient aristocracy, from the modern plutocracy or from the ordinary type of pub.crawler.

There were other large matters which j would also have to be dealt with in our four-year plan, upon which ho thought study was advancing rapidly. One such question was British agriculture. Iho British nation, which had now once again saved the freedom of the world, had grown great on cheap, abundant food. It was absolutely certain wrshould have to grow a larger proportion of our food at home. During the war immense advances had been made by tho agricultural industry. The position of farmers had improved, and of agricultural labourers immeasurably improved, and ho hoped to see a vigorous revival of healthy village life on the basis of higher wages and improved housing. What with modern methods of locomotion, the modern amusements of the cinema and the radio —to which television would soon be added—life in the country and on the land ought to compete in attractiveness with life in the great cities. All this would cost money, but as the result of technical improvements in British agriculture, the strain upon tho State would be relieved. Nevertheless, if the expansion and improvement of British agriculture were to he maintained, and a reasonable level of prices maintained, there were likely to he substantial charges, which the State must be prepared to shoulder. Public Health Service Dealing with public health, Mr. Churchill said a national health service must be established on a broad scale. Healthy citizens were the greatest assets any country could have. One of tho most sombre anxieties besetting those who looked 30, 40 and 50 years ahead in this field was the dwindling birthrate. Our people must bo encouraged by every means to have larger families. For this reason, well-thought-out plans for helping parents to contribute to this life-spring of the community were of prime importance. The care of the young, and the establishment of sound hygienic conditions of motherhood had <i bearing upon the whole future of the race which was absolutely vital. Side by side with that was the war upon disease, which, so far as it was successful, would directly aid the national insurance scheme. Turning to education, Mr. Churchill said the future of the world would be to the highly-educated races, who alone could master the scientific apparatus necessary for pre-eminence in peace or survival in war. The shape of our education should become broader and more liberal. In moving steadily and j steadfastly from a class to a national I foundation in the politics and economics of our society and civilisation we must beware of trying to build a society in which nobody counted for anything except a politician or an official, a society where enterprise gained no reward-and thrift no privileges, Equal Opportunities Of all races in the world, ours would be the last to consent to he governed by a bureaucracy. Freedom was our lifeblood. The British nation was master in its oivn home. The people had been rendered conscious that they were coming into their inheritance. The treasures of 'the past, the long-built-up conceptions of decent treatment, government, fair play and tolerance which came from the free working of the Parliamentary electoral institutions, and the great colonial possessions for which we were trustees —all these constituted parts of this inheritance. The nation must be fitted for its responsibilities and its high duty. It was in our power to secure equal opportunities for all. Facilities for advanced education must be evened out and multiplied. Nobody who could take advantage of higher education should be denied this chance. There was another element which should never bo banished from our system of education. We enjoyed freedom of thought as well as freedom of conscience, • and we had been pioneers in religious toleration, but side by side with all this had been the fact that religion liad been a rock in the life and character of the British people upon which they had built their hopes and cast their cares. This fundamental element must never be taken from our schools, and he was pleased to learn of the progress being made among all religious bodies in freeing themselves from sectarian jealousies. Secular Schooling The secular schooling of the great mass of scholars must be progressively prolonged. For this we must improve our schools and train our teachers. •After schooltime was ended we must not throw our youth uncarcd for and unsupervised on to the labour market, with its blind-alley occupations, which started so fair and often ended so foul. Air Churchill said he looked forward to a Britain so big that she would need to draw her leaders from every type ot school. During the war the rule should be, "No promises, but every preparation. The latter would include tho necessary legislative preparation. It must be expected that taxation after the war would be heavier than it had been before the war, but it should not be levied in a wa.v which would remove personal incentive and destroy initiative and enterprise. Fie instanced many public works which could he undertaken in the transition period. It would be necessary to make sure in their projects that private and State enterprise were both able to play their part to the utmost. Private and State Enterprise A number of measures were being, and would be, prepared to enable the Government to exercise a balancing influence upon development, which could be turned on or ofl as required. There was a broadening field lor State ownership and enterprise, especially in relation to monopolies of all kinds. The modern State would increasingly concorn itself w;th" the economic wellbeing of the nation, but it was all the more vital to revive at tho earliest possible moment the widespread, healthy and vigorous private enterprise without which we should never he able to provide, in the years when it would lie needed, the employment for our soldiers, sailors and airmen to which they are entitled after their dutv has been done. Mr Churchill said he had given both caution and encouragement, but, if he had to strike a balance, he would proclaim himself a follower of tho larger hope. Alter the war there would be a considerable opportunity for re-establishing Britain's export trade. Methods of production had vastly improved. Britain's own efforts must be supported bv international agreement, more neighbourly than before. Britain must strive to get her fair share of augmented world trade. Her fortune would he greatly influenced by the policies of the United States and the British Dominions, and she _ was keeping in contact with them. Britain had lately put before them and her other allies tentative suggestions for tho future management of exchange and international currency. These suggestions would shortly be published. No Need lor Slump But that was only the first instalment. Her solemn belief was that if they acted with comradeship and loyalty to their own country and to one another, made State and free enterprise both serve national interests, and pulled the national waggon side by side, then there was no need for Britain to run into that horrible, devastating slump, or into that trough of bickering and confusion which mocked and squandered the hard-won victory of a quarter of a century ago. He gave a warning against it appearing to the world that the people of Britain were diverting their attention to a peace which was still remote and to the fruits of a victory which still had to be won. while Russia was fighting for her lil'e and decisive battles were being fought in "Tunisia. '"*