THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS FRIDAY, JANUARY 27, 1939 AFTER SPAIN'S CIVIL WAR
General Franco's success in the offensive against Catalonia appears so complete as to bring his final victory in all Spain appreciably nearer. Catalonia shows on the map as only a small corner of Spain, but it is by far the richest province economically and the most radical politically, being the heart of the Red resistance. Barcelona, its capital, "the Manchester of Spain," is the most populous Spanish city, the most industrialised, and the most turbulent. The reduction of Catalonia therefore looks like the beginning of the end for the Spanish Government, although Spaniards in their many civil wars have been notorious "bitter enders." In any case the end of the civil war will mark the beginning of new problems with international bearings. Several Great Powers are most closely concerned in the kind of settlement made in Spain and in her dependencies, especially the Balearic and Canary Islands, and Spanish Morocco. Apart from these material interests, there has been a conflict of political ideologies, the challenge of Communism inspired by Russia being taken up by Italian Fascism. Signor Mussolini said he would not be content with less than complete victory for General Franco, and now seems likely to have his way. The fear lest he be foiled by counterintervention at the last moment may account for the threatening posture he has taken toward France in recent weeks. But Spain is so situated in the strategic sense, and possesses such important mineral deposits, that all Europe is interested in her future disposition. The present stage is therefore highly dangerous, as the nations watch each other lest one steal a march. Other events may be pending in the Mediterranean, but the Spanish settlement in itself, with several Great Powers jockeying for position, is sufficient to explain the nervous atmosphere now prevailing.
In discussing the future of Spain, observers have too often been unduly influenced by the forces of intervention, Communist or Fascist, to the exclusion of the fact that the Spanish people will in the last resort determine their own fate. That is the lesson of past history. Foreign intervention, particularly by France and sometimes by Britain, complicated most of the Spanish civil wars for 300 years past but left no enduring mark on the country. On each occasion Spain sank back into her sloth—poor, proud and independent. Those who know the Spanish people best believe the same will happen again. At any rate it is the force of nationalism led by General Franco that is in the ascendant to-day—the particularist as opposed to the internationalist doctrine. Some will assert that Italian and German arms, rather than Spanish nationalism, have won the victory and will now seek their due reward. It should be remembered, however, that this foreign aid was only admitted to counter intervention on the Government's side and that numerically—although not materially—it represents no more than 5 per cent of the Nationalist force. General Franco's main strength resides in his army of 700,000 devoted young Spaniards. With General Franco they have fought for the ideal of "a united Spain" and "Spain for the Spaniards." Nationalism is the strongest political motive in the world to-day and its fiery revival among the politically minded Spaniards should make the place too warm for scheming interlopers. Once again Spain is likely to prove jealous of her integrity. Such is the emphatic conclusion of that mature historian, Sir Charles Oman. After reviewing the long history of Spanish civil wars up to the present, he declares: "One thing is certain, that the essentially individualistic Spanish nature is not likely to make itself the slave of either Bolshevism or Fascism—and that it hates foreign interference, though each of two contending parties may be eager to accept it for the moment." In fact Signor Mussolini may be the latest of a long line that has burned its fingers trying to pull chestnuts out of Spanish fires. The Spaniards had been much better left to settle political forms for themselves. That has been the official British view as expressed in the policy of non-intervention. Faulty and imperfect as its application proved, the policy has so far saved the world from the conflagration of general war over Spain. In spite of exaggerated propaganda on both sides, it has also allowed the Spanish to determine their own politics to a large extent. Were that not so, General Franco would not be leading a great popular army, supported by a welladministered and largely contented home front of 38 out of the 50 Spanish provinces. If it be assumed that he is now marching to final victory, what form of Government will he seek to give the new Spain? As Ihe prophet of nationalism, he will seek to create a united and centralised Spain. That means defeat for home rule in Catalonia and the Basque country. Once again they will be cheated of the local autonomy they have often fought for and sometimes obtained. In achieving the new national unity, "the interests of individuals, groups and classes will have to be remorselessly waived," according to the official programme. "Spain is a destined unity in the universe." This—and much more could be quoted—moans the attempted establishment of a totalitarian State on the new European model. Whether it can be successfully imposed on Spanish individualism remains to be seen..
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New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXVI, Issue 23256, 27 January 1939, Page 8
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899THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS FRIDAY, JANUARY 27, 1939 AFTER SPAIN'S CIVIL WAR New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXVI, Issue 23256, 27 January 1939, Page 8
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