ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23157, 1 October 1938, Page 1 (Supplement)

ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS

By KOTARE

The Situation To-Day

THE New York correspondent of the Sunday Times, London, has just concluded an illuminating series of articles on AngloAmerican relations. They sum up admirably the situation as it actu : ally is to-day. Since the war the whole world has changed in situation and in thinking almost beyond recognition. And naturally, America has changed with the rest of mankind. This authority thinks that there has not been a sufficient recognition on either side of the Atlantic of the new world of ideas and attitudes that has replaced the old order. There is more goodwill to-day among both great nations than there has ever been in the past. Old causes of misunderstanding have been removed or have ceased to be very important. There is a recognition by both sides of the special difficulties under which the other is trying to meet its special problems, and face up to the world situation. Whatever the immediate future has in store for the peoples caught in the wild swirl, of European politics, on the long view most will depend on the relations and the sympathetic understanding between the two great English-speaking democracies. •;

The correspondent summarises the present misunderstandings. The old difficulties arising out of the Irish probldm and the question of naval supremacy have passed from the arena. They no longer poison either, people's minds. The American papers no longer get an easy laugh by caricaturing the Dundreary type of Englishman. "It no longer profits a politician or demagogue to twist the lion's tail." Much space is given, to British neWs in the American press and only rarely, and then vainly, does a cartoonist or leaderwriter try to appeal to anti-British prejudice. Things that Matter Also it is now taken as axiomatio that war between the two nations is inconceivable. That is as much a background for American thought and feeling as it is for the English approach to world problems. These basic ideas, are the mightiest powers in moulding a nation's life. The things that are taken for granted are in the end the things , that matter most. From that foundation there can be built a mighty superstructure of full understanding- and goodwill.

The obstacles to a fuller understanding are in comparison with the ancientgrudges small foothills alongside the mighty mountain range. But they-can irritate, and irritation can always thwart ideal relations. For examplo, the British mind reacts unfavourably to what it considers the sentimentality of American idealism. The American is puzzled by what it considers the opportunism of British realism in meeting situations as they arise. America will talk genuinely of a lofty worfd-purpose which focusses and gives direction to its national lifo. Britain will adapt itself and its policy to the changing needs of the moment and the paramount demands of the actual situation. So both still have a suspicion of the other's sincerity. , In foreign affairs Britain does not understand American isolationism and what seems a mere lip-service of peace. America does not appreciate the diffi? culties of a world-empire which, from the geographical position of its centre and its parts, is involved intimately in every cause of trouble wherever throughout the world it may arise. It is probably lack of imagination on both sides. Wilson's Mistake i The Sunday Times correspondent asks Englishmen to consider the actual American situation. America sees nothing inconsistent in being ready to work for peace while being unwilling to fight for it. It will make no alliances. War is no instrument in any of its policies It will fight only in case of attack of violation of the national honour. It is no knight-errant rushing. to othef people's assistance. Perhaps we can understand that attitude a little better now. It is easv to teach other people their duty. ' 1 ' In this connection th? correspondent insists that there would be less incrimination if outsiders realised that an expression of opinion on a matter of foreign policy by any American, however highly placed, does not commit America to anything. It is one man's point of view and no more than that. Only the Senate, and that by a two : thirds majority, can make any treaties with outside powers. And only the Senate's pledges and promises can bind the nation. That was Wilson's mistake at Versailles. Even his towering eminence could not commit America to the League of Nations. The ignoring of .that all-important part of the^American constitution, and familiarity with only the European method of diplomacy, have led the old world to a profound misunderstanding of the new.

Intangible Ties ' Livingstone Hartley, in his "Is America Afraid P" outlines the grounds for a fuller understanding and cooperation between Britain and the United States. He stresses the in*tangible ties, community of ideas and feelings arising from a common origin, common language and institutions. Half the population of the States is of British origin and < this half contains "a disproportionately large amount of our leaders in almosjb every walk of life." He finds throughout this section "a very deep sentiment for Great Britain." That is not always so. „ In trade the States find a market for 40 per cent of their exports in the British Empire; 34 per cent of their total imports come from British lands. Over 36 per cent of all American foreign investments are in British territory. There are already taqit understandings on naval policy. The supremacy of the British fleet in European waters enables America to concentrate her main naval strength in the Pacific, and . America's power in the Pacific enable? Britain to hold her vast Eastern possessions with a wholly inadequate naval protection. The British Empire would be shattered into fragments if there was ever war with the United States. Canada could not possibly defend, herself and would not try. The position of Canada is one of the factors in taking for granted the inconceivability of war between Britain and the States. And in addition, Canada is always safe under the Monroe Doctrine. . - And Hartley concludes: "We (the Americans) must realise clearly our close community of interest in every part of the world with the 480,000,000 who comprise the British Empire. The resources of this great. Empire are , definitely on our 'side behind international democracy, coveiring us on the , Atlantic and seconding us on tho Pacific. We could lose the world-wide support of the British only if this principle were done .to death -in Europe. u