THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1938 TENSION INCREASING

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23131, 1 September 1938, Page 12

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1938 TENSION INCREASING

The situation in Europe remains critical. It is still possible to hope for the best, but there is no positive sign of a successful outcome of Lord Runciman's mission. This lack of encouragement for confidence in a happy ending is not necessarily an evil amen, for the negotiations are perforce beyond the reach of common knowledge; nevertheless, the longer these negotiations are fruitless of peace the more certain is it that an amicable settlement is being found difficult to achieve. A measure of satisfaction can be got from reliable news that the Czech press is comparatively calm, since this means that the political atmosphere in Prague is favourable to a continuance of efforts to find a practicable solution of the problem ; yet it is painfully clear that the decisive word will be spoken in Berlin, not Prague. The burden of Sir John Simon's speech on behalf of the British Government was its appeal to Herr Hitler to relieve the dangerous tension. It was not a craven appeal. In its reminder of the inevitable widening of the scope of strife, if steps were taken by the Nazi Government .to compel a Czechoslovak surrender to the extreme demands of the Sudeten Germans, was a plain warning that Britain would not hesitate to oppose such steps, in the interests of international justice. The reiteration of this warning may yet induce Herr Hitler to think again before committing Germany to a course irrevocably disruptive of peace. On the other hand, this reiteration appears to have aroused the German press —entirely an official press, it must be noted, in its advocacy of policy—to a fresh anti-Czech outburst. Thus the position is no less perilous. The tension has not diminished, and the longer it persists the more likely is its ending in a sudden impatience ruinous to the negotiations.

This risk is reflected in the manifest concern of the British Cabinet. There are all the signs of preparation for action already determined, should Herr Hitler disdain the appeal and proceed to reckless measures. Indeed, the phrasing of the brief official report for the information of the British public suggests that the preparatory stage has been passed. Ministers, after hearing the full report on the international situation by the Foreign Secretary, have "expressed entire agreement with the action already taken, likewise the policy to be pursued in the future; no further meeting has been arranged, but Ministers will remain in reach of London." In the meantime Mr. Chamberlain has gone to Balmoral, to be in touch with the King. The "action already taken" refers, without a doubt, to the explicit warning conveyed to Herr Hitler last week, which the Ambassador to Berlin, after his recent recall to London for the purpose of consultation with Ministers, will repeat and elaborate in person on returning to his post in Germany. In all this is proof of the reaching of finality on Britain's part. The Cabinet's mind has been made up. In its deep concern is a fear for the fate of international peace, but no weakness. Behind it, as is revealed to-day, is the support of practically the whole country, which has come to appreciate fully the weight and solemnity of the Prime Minister s words on March 24. Sir Archibald Sinclair's statement has aligned the Opposition Liberals with the National Government. Labour's attitude has never been in doubt. So the unanimity of the British people —of one mind for peace by negotiation, yet bent upon a just settlement in the interests of international stability—is declared. It is confirmed by Mr. Malcolm Mac Donald's words, for the Dominions Secretary and himself, about the pursuing of the firmest policy with Germany. This policy, it should be clearly understood, does not immediately ["contemplate the issue to Germany of an ultimatum threatening war. Any statement implying that the Ambassador to Berlin is instructed to present such an ultimatum should be treated as over-stating the case. The British attitude, described in March by Mr. Chamberlain and within the last few days by Sir John Simon, is rather one of recognising and impressing the certainty that a German assault upon Czechoslovakia would inevitably lead to a wider struggle involving others. Britain's part, in that event, could not be one of unconcern. This should be obvious, even to Herr Hitler. Any bludgeoning of Czechoslovakia designed to destroy national independence would menace the whole political structure of Europe. No democratic nation could thereaftei think itself immune from similar onslaught. A grave principle, cherished by the British people, is therefore 'at stake. To make this perfectly clear to Herr Hitler, not as a counter-threat but in enunciation of an inescapable outcome of violation of Czechoslovakia's independence, is Britain's urgent diplomatic task. It is being undertaken with due seriousness and speed, as the Nazi Government is aware, but to put it into explicit speech is necessary. Hence the increasing tension in Central Europe communicates itself to Britain and to the Dominions as Herr Hitler's response is awaited. To hope for the best is possible ; to prepare for the worst is essential.