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THE AFTERMATH.

fey THE RIGHT HON. WINSTON CHURCHILL. '(Copyright—By arrangement with the Times, London.)

CHURCHILL'S MEMOIRS.

Strivings :oe mpi, wilson

OPPOSING "THE TIGER."

(THE CONFERENCE DISSENSIONS

/• No. IV. If Wilson had been either simply an idealist or a caucus politician he might have succeeded. His attempt to run the two in double harness was the cause of his undoing. The spacious philanthrophy .which he exhaled upon Europe stopped quite sharply at the coasts of his own country. There he was in every main decision a party, politician, calculating and brazen. !A tithe of the fine principles and generous sentiments he lavished upon Europe, applied during 1918 to his Republican opponents ii). the United States would have mado him in truth the leader of a nation.

Mr. Wilson's sense of proportion operated in separate water-tight compartments. The difference in Europe between [France and Germany seemed trivial, petty, easy to be adjusted by a little good sense and charity. But the differences between Democrat and Republican in the United States! Here were really grave quarrels. He could not understand why the French should not be more forgiving to their beaten enemy; nor why the American Republican should not expect cold comfort from a Democratic Administration. The gaze of the President was fixed with iequal earnestness upon the destiny of mankind and the fortunes of his party candidates. Peace and goodwill among all nations abroad, but no truck with the Republican party at home. That was his ticket and that was his ruin, and the ruin of much else as well. It is difficult for a man to do great things if he tries to combine a lambent charity embracing the whole world with the sharper forms of populist party strife.

A Different Mr. Wilson.

It was a different President Wilson that icrossed the Atlantic in the George Washington for the second time. He had had a rough time in the United States. The White House dinner to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee had revealed to him the implacable party rancour which he had provoked and by which he was pursued. ■" Senators Knox and Lodge remained perfectly silent, refusing to ask any questions or to act in the spirit in which the dinner was given." The Republicans had raised tho spirit of Monroe against the League of Nations. If a quarrel arose between Spain and Brazil, or between England and Venezuela, and the League of Nations said Brazil or Venezuela were in the wrong, were the United States to be compelled to take sides with a European Power, simply because of impartial justice ? This was a bard blow, and the President bent under it. . . .

What had happened while Mr. Wilson had been awav ? Mr. Lloyd George had gone home. M. Clemenceau was, on February 19, fired at and wounded by an anarchist. He was for some weeks incapacitated. Meanwhile, however, Mr. Balfour, who, in the absence of the three heads of Governments, became naturally the leading figure at the Conference, had made an immense effort to hasten and conclude the work of the Commissions upon the rest of the Peace Treaty. The " Exodus " Stage.

From March 20, President Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George, if. Clemenceau and Signer Orlando met regularly in secret conversations, at 'which not even secretaries ■were present; For the first time since the conclusion of the armistice there began that thorough and frank discussion which should have taken place three months before. The Council of Ten (or Fifty) was now reduced to the five Foreign Ministers and still continued for a while to meet; but. deprived of all important business and of all the men who had the power to settle, they perished painlessly of inanition.

We now reach a page of the Peace Conference story which may well be called Exodus. As a prelude to tance of the brutal fact that they mu{ agree, every one of the " Big 'Four ' threatened to quit the Conference. Mn Lloyd George was first and far the moH artistic. He assigned no specific point o( disagreement. He was distressed at th* slow progress of the Treaty. He feared he was merely wasting his "time in Parisj Meanwhile, he had direct and urgent re-< sponsibilities in England. The Cabinet, the House of Commons, the industrial situation—all required his immediate personal attention. Since no progress seemed likely in Paris, he must return home and get on with his job. He could come back later if there was any sign of some practical work being done upon the Treaty.

Clemenceau and Wilson.

Mr. Lloyd George fixed March 18 as the Hate of his departure. This prospect and the suggestion that there was more important work to be done in London than in. Paris /filled his compeers with alarm. They knew well that no progress could be made in his absence. Yet the ground he bad chosen was unassailable. Every effort was made to persuade him to remain. But it was not. until he had received on March 17 a joint letter—since published by Colonel , House—signed by Wilson, Olepienceau and Orlando, begging him to remain if only for another two weeks, that he was pleased to yield. He consented to remain, but in a strengthened position.

Clemenceau and Wilson had long been ripening for a trial of strength. House has made ns aware of the striking interchange which arose on March 28 out of the discussions about the Saar Valley coalfields. '« « Then if -France does not get, what she wishes,' said the President. she will refuse to act with us. In that event do you wish me to return home?' j no not wish you to go home,' said Cle.menceau, 4 but I intend to do so mvse'f and left th* house." Jn this rough fashion did the Tiger deal with his opponent. Moreover, he had only to go round the corner. Indignation of Orlando. But Wilson's position was verv different _ To recross the Atlantic was final and irrevocable. Nevertheless, in the face ol Clemenceau s continued threat to withdraw tho French delegation from the conference, aid in the despondency following an attack of influenza, the President telegraphed on April 7 for tho George Washington to return to France. His faithful secretary, Mr. Tumulty, who remained on guard at home, warned the President in the bluntest terms that his exodus would be looked upon bv friends and foes in America as "an act of impatience and fiance .... not accepted here in good faith . . . most unwise and fraught with most dangerous possibilities . . a desertion." This was decisive. ITe could not quit: he mu/;t go through with it. And meanwhile Clemnnceau bad said no more about withdrawal and continued his daily attendances upon the conference. The last exodus was that of Orlando. When npon the question of Fiume President Wilson threatened to appeal over his head to the Italian people, and on the strength of his three days' visit to Ttalv exclaimed, " I know tho Italian people better ,than you do," Orlando went Straight to tho -railway station and actually departed in voluble indignation to ißome. He at least carried out his threat. this only consolidated the others, Triumvirate found a common ground J®- . B^ ar >dmg together against him. After ■. a fortnight for appeals to bis fcaTr! er v T,^ nr ? 'Rever arrived, he (amtul i* 1 " own aocor d ' n time to *gn the Treaty at the end of June. iCCa t* eontiatwd daily.! B8

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19290404.2.9

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20221, 4 April 1929, Page 6

Word Count
1,237

THE AFTERMATH. New Zealand Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20221, 4 April 1929, Page 6

THE AFTERMATH. New Zealand Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20221, 4 April 1929, Page 6

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