FICKLE DEMOS.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXV, Issue 20130, 15 December 1928, Page 1 (Supplement)

FICKLE DEMOS.

PARTIES AND POLITICIANS.

Bt M.A.R.

It is generally said that parly government as we know it dates from the reign of George I. (1714-27), when tho doctrines of tho supremo power of Parliament and of tho responsibility of tho King's Ministers to Parliament having been established during tho struggles of the Stuart period (1603-88),' tho accession of tho German George, who knew little of English politics and cared less, gave a unique opportunity for tho development of Cabinet Government. Provided Georgo had his revenues and plenty of opportunities to return to his beloved Hanover, tho mad English might govern themselves as they pleased. Then began tho long dominance of tho Whig Party, against which tho Tories struggled feebly, then almost sccnicd -to disappear. But political parties do not die; they are only hibernating. It was not until the reign of George 111. that tho pendulum swung back again and tho Tories regained tho ascendancy. Meanwhile, of course, tho characteristics and principles of both parties had changed. Whigs and Tories.

Tho name " Whig" was originally applied to Scottish Covenanters who resisted the religious tyranny o{ tho reign of Charles 11. It began then by denoting a party resisting the Royal power. " Tories" were outlawed Irish, on whose head a price was put in tho reign of William and Mary and the reign of Charles 11. (1660-85). When religious questions still largely dominated politics, a bill was brought forward to exclude from the throne tho King's next heir, his brother James, on tho ground that he was a Catholic. The " \Vhigs" were in favour of this course; the "Tories" took tho Kings' sido and abhorred it. The names, given at first in derision, soon came to bo generally-accepted party labels. In 1688, James 11. ' was forced to abdicate, and tho Whig principles triumphed and secured the limitation of tho monarchy by tho settlement known as the Bill of Rights. In the next two reigns, the Whigs stood by,' tho Revolution settlement; tho Tories leant toward a Stuart restoration. Tho Whigs triumphed by securing the succession of George I. "(1714). Two Jacobite rebellions, the " Fifteen" and tho " Fortyfive," threw the Tories into greater discredit. Now it was that the office of Prime Minister first emerged as a definite development of tho English constitution. Heretofore, though there had been approaches to the Cabinet system, the King had remained his own Prime Minister. The first real Prime Minister of England was that remarkable man, Robert Walpole, afterwards Earl of Oxford. It was another remarkable man, William Pitt, England's youngest Prime Minister, who broke down the power of the Whigs and revived the Tory Party. By this time the French revolution had wrought great changes in men's thinking. J'he Tories now stood for continuing war with France and resisting radical changes in domestic affairs; tho Whigs had heretofore been an aristocratic Party; in effect during tho long Whig rnlo the Government of Euglana had practically - been in the hands of about 70 great families. But now a new Whig Party grew up, which admired the principles of tho French revolution and began to exhibit thoso tendencies which caused it, in the 19th century to adopt the name of Liberal. Tory sway held pretty firm until it was overthrown by tho Liberal triumph of 1832, when tho passing of the Reform Bill began the series of changes which, by gradually extending tho franchise. was to make Parliament a popular assembly, and not the organ of a few voters. In tho 19th century the name Conservative displaced that of Tory; in our own day " a shell-backed old Tory" is quite a term of reproach. In New Zealand we have gone a step further, and the Conservative Party lias adopted the name of Reform, as denoting their adoption of progressive principles. There is nothing inconsistent in this; the Radical of to-day is tho Conservative of tomorrow. Party principles chango and develop. A Very Workable System. Very few people will admit that the narty system is a good thing, and yet it has proved a very workable system; and while every election someone raises his voice in favour of a Ministry comprised of the best men in the House, irrespective of party, yet it is a fact that coalition Ministries have not often been popular. Ono wonders what is is that makes men so ardently desire the office of Member of Parliament. It can't be the salary, for (hat is not princely, and before M.P.'s were paid at all, men strove just as eagerly for it. It must be the lust " to drink delight of battle with their peers." Trevelyan describes the candidate, possibly a peer's son, bowing low, with his hand on bis heart and a rotten egg in his hair, as he addressed tho cheering or hooting mob of "honest yeomen" and " ji'illy prentices," most of whom bad no vote.

The worst of politics seems to bo that once you're in the game you hate to be out of if. Gladstono clung to office until ho was eighty-five, and dominated his colleagues—it has been said lie " kept then) in Eton suits." Strachcy paints a pathetic picturo of Lord Melbourne in iiis old age, moody, restless and unhappy, brooding and wandering about tho town, always hoping against hope for a return to office, until when his own Party did finally regain power ho was not sent for, and realised it was tho end. Trials of Politicians. It must be a gruelling experience to be a candidate for Parliament. Tho fact I hat a man presents himself as such indicates that he has a fair opinion of himself; ho considers himself a fit and proper person to represent some thousands of his fellows. The natural reaction to (hat is challenge; other people begin to pick holes in him. Personalities are still in evidence at election time, though when ono reads of elections of tho past one is inclined to thiuk wc are really getting a little nearer to tho ideal of " politics, not personalities," although, judging by the great featuring of photographs in election campaigns, candidates evidently believe that personal appearance is a factor. What an anxious visit that must be to the photographer! And, one wonders, do candidates still kiss the baby and pat little brother on tho head in tho time-honoured fashion of tho past? It must bo a strain, too, to bo a candidate's wife, though not alwavs as bad as the case of a charming Englishwomen, whose appearance was worth any number of votes, but whoso ideas of politics were extremely nebulous. Her husband's family used to cram her with a speech breathing the most ardont parly sentiments, which she reeled off pat before sho forgot it, without understanding a single word of what it was all about. Tho life of a politician must cultivate in him tho philosophic mind. Rebuffs must be mot cheerfully, for they occur in all careers. " To-day to me, to-morrow to thee" is tho consolation as well as the chastening reflection of him who is either down or up. If things go wrong tho saviour of his country may be hailed to-morrow as tho author of all her miseries; for wo must have a dog to kick. For Manners with fortunes, humours turn with clime*. , . ■ . , Tone's with books, and pnuciples with times.