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LABOUR AND RELIGION.

Sir, —I note that Canon James hat dropped the bogey of Bolshevism and the Labour Party m connection with this question. Still, he cannot refrain from an appeal to prejudice. He now says "the Labour Party has ranged itself with the Roman Catholic Church." He is aware that this Church is only a small minority compared with the of the churches, and' he wishes to secure the aid of bias for his argument by appealing to Protestant political prejudice. But the Labour Party has not ranged itself with any other body. It stands foursquare on the broad public principle of no State' interference in religious questions Religion is a matter for the individual. No State has a right to dictate to any individual on religious grounds. No majority, however large, has a right to decide the religious views of any minority, however small. In this the Labour Party proceeds not merely on abstract principles, but in accord with the plain lessons of history. The history of every nation, and not least our own, shows clearly that State action in religion has always led to dissension in the community, and persecution of religious minorities. 1 am amazed that what are generally and significantly called „ the Free Churches have recently thrown in their lot with the Anglican Church in an endeavour to introduce in this country the first elements of an established religion. Surely the centuries of bitter persecution and struggle which the word Nonconformist connotes are forgotten by them. Long and bitter experience has taught at least the Labour Party that State compulsion over conscience is disastrous to the community. The introduction of religious exercises into the State schools is not, as* Canon James says, "an important question of educational policy." It is a fundamental question of the liberty of the subject in the domain in which "liberty should be absolute, i.e., religion. That is why Labour nmkts secular education a party question. That is whv the Labour Party ''stonewalled" the'bi"ll. I© a minority in Parliament at present, it can only by that method call public attention to this insidious inroad on liberty. It is true the Labour Party stands for the referendum as a final court of appeal on all public questions. That majority should finally decide all public questions. Bat religion is not a public question It is a private one, and not to be decided by a majority vote. That is why the Labour Party opposes this religious question being made the subject of ft referendum Further, the Labour Party is convinced that unless the attention of all thinking people isfccnssed on immediate and wide economic and social changes, civilised society is in imminent danger of a complete collapse Hence it views this attempt to introduce religious dissension into the public life of this country at this time aa sinister and reactionary Although some of the Christian Churches have composed their differences sufficiently for the time being to jointly advocate the bill indicated, that is no warrant that in its application and administration doctrinal differences will not arise- We do not want battles of religious dogma fought out in Parliament over the bodies of our school children, with bar public school teachers entangled in the embrnglio, Let the Churches tench religkm on ft purely voluntary basis, ami thrash out among themselves the conflicts arising from it. Judging from recent English cables, they will have plenty to do for some time to com*. Oscar Mcßiwhs,

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19271027.2.134.5

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIV, Issue 19778, 27 October 1927, Page 14

Word Count
579

LABOUR AND RELIGION. New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIV, Issue 19778, 27 October 1927, Page 14

LABOUR AND RELIGION. New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIV, Issue 19778, 27 October 1927, Page 14

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