THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1925. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXII, Issue 18964, 11 March 1925, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1925. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

The committee inquiring into the working of the reformed Indian Constitution has published the result of | its deliberations. ft can scarcely j be said to have reported ; when there | is a majority report accepted by only j one member more than those adher- | ing to the minority pronouncement, j the weight of the committee is hardly behind either document. The two reports are interesting however, as illustrating the general cleavage of expressed opinion in India. At the same time it must be remembered that there is a vast element in the population with no power of expression, and, indeed, almost without formed opinions to express. The presence of these people must be given due weight in any project for | progressive constitutional reform, j To grant India full responsible government before they had been awakened to political consciousness would mean that the government was necessarily oligarchic instead of! democratic. That, no doubt, is what has inspired the section of the committee which recommends further delay before any new instalment of responsibility is granted. The other section urging earlier action represents the aspirations of those who would form the oligarchy certain to control the country. When autonomy was granted countries like Australia and New Zealand, the change-over was easily made. The essentials for a united community existed. Political instincts were inborn in the people. It is very different with India, a country still in its swaddling clothes politically, and beset with every force pulling directly against real national unity. That is why the steps toward establishing representative institutions have been slow and experimental. India is at present ruled by the system set up under the Government of India Act, 1910. In the preamble to that measure it is stated that after 10 years, the whole system then inaugurated is to be subjected to review and reconsideration to ascertain what further advance is possible. This first instalment of home rule has never satisfied the more advanced of the Indian politicians. They have insisted without ceasing that the constitution could not function. At the same time, a large section has not scrupled to do all possible to prevent it from functioning. The demand for revision at an earlier date than that first appointed has been ardently pressed. The extreme section of the Swaraj party tried what non-co-operation would do toward producing the deadlock on which they relied to induce a complete British withdrawal. Its results were not encouraging. Following its abandonment they sought seats in the central Legislature and in the provincial Houses. A fair measure of success was gained at the polls. In several instances, being able to command a majority in the popular chamber, the extremists refused supply time after time. This became little more than an academic gesture of defiance, for with the Viceroy and the provincial Governors there still resides the power to obtain supply independently in times of emergency. This policy of nullification did no one any good, and began to alienate more moderate opinion. Finally it was arranged that the working of the Constitution should be investigated by an Indian committee- It is this body which has just reported. On its appointment it was forecasted that the personnel, partly official, partly non-official, partly Indian and partly European, was all against any chance of unanimity. The prophecy has proved true in substance. Equal division was impossible and the casting vote has gone in favour of the existing

regime. There are. three, governmental systems in India. There is the central authority, the Governor-General and (he Indian Legislature of two Chambers. It stands in relation to the whole, country roughly as does the Commonwealth Parliament to the States in Australia. The popular Chamber contains official and I I'M eleeLed members. The functions of the Legislature are similar to those of any Parliament, save that the < iovernor General has an over-riding authority to declare measures rejected by it law if they affect public safety or law and order, or if he proclaims them necessary to meet, an j emergency. The franchise is limited and communal, various religious bodies being given representation not strictly in proportion to their numbers. In the provinces there is' a system known as the dyarchy. The i functions of government are divided j between the Governor in Council and an elective Legislative Council. Or- i tain departments are "reserved" for the control of the Governor, others are transferred to the Legislative Council for administration. Thus a dual authority has been set up to meet the special needs of the pro vijiccs. The third element in the

country consists of the Indian States, ruled by the native Princes, who owe responsibility to the Governor-Gene-ral direct. These States are not willing to be incorporated in an autonomous India, and do not desire to be made responsible to a popular Government as they are to the Governor-General. Recently a Council of Princes was formed to safeguard their common interests. The tripartite system exists because of the peculiar circumstances of the country. Government is only partially representative in the provinces and at the centre from the belief that there is not yet enough collective experience to make it wholly so. India is regarded as still being schooled politically. The desire to end the period of tutelage is strong in a section of the people. Britain has not encouraged it. The report of the committee, by its very division of opinion endorses the determination not to hasten unduly the day of complete independence, and full responsibility.