SOUTH AFRICA TO-DAY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXII, Issue 18946, 18 February 1925, Page 13

SOUTH AFRICA TO-DAY.

POLITICAL CHANGE OF 1824. A REVIEW AND A FORECAST. BY W.0.'8.R. The year 1924 probably brought a greater revolutionary political change in South Africa than in any of the other self-governing Dominions of the Empire. Before General Smuts went out of office in June last, South Africa had come to bo known as a country of sudden and unexpected changes, and a land of unrest. Prior to spending some years in South Africa, I fait, like, the majority of insular Englishmen, that here was a striking example of the vindication of British rule, that Briton and Boer were lying down cheek by jowl in perfect amity, and that the memories of that unhappy AngloBoer War had been swept into the merciful oblivion which a more enlightened and generous-minded regime had brought. But long before I had grown acclimatised to the beneficence of an African sun or become more familiar with the country's current problems from my seat in the press gallery of the Union House of Assembly in Capetown, I had grown disillusioned in regard to preconceived notions as to the relations between the Dutch and British sections of the community. A country like South Africa is vast, perplexing, and mysterious; its problems are profound and intricate, and the atmosphere for their sane and dispassionate discussion in many ways closely resembles that which prevailed in Ireland whan the feeling against England was bitterly high ; and its peoples possess psychological traits which are in sharp conflict with each other. It, was a new and not too pleasant experience when 1 attended functions upcountry as a journalist, and found myself in strong Dutch and Nationalist communities scowled upon and avoided because of my British nationality. Yet-, there must i>c, set off against i,h oso experiences certain occasions when, riding over the. veldt, 1 called, at lonely and far-flung farms where I received unbounded hospitality from the Boer and his family, who could not do enough fur the unbidden stranger. Still, the memory of Kitchener and the desolated and scarred countryside he left behind him during the campaign of quarter of a century ago is not forgotten, and will continue- to be remembered while the elder generation of Dutch farmers lives. Only the other day an old Back-) voider, erect- and stalwart despite his 70 years, related to me on the stoep of his farm how his horses had been commandeered by the. British, and his _ father's house razed to the. ground as Kitchener swept onward to the North. The story was recounted with as much feeling as if the episode had been perpetrated the lireceding week instead of over 20 years ago. But nothing was more unpleasant than to see. how Iho Dutch women in the upcountry dorps (villages) hated the Britisher. It was comparable only with the memory of Cromwell at Drogheda, or the "Black and Tans" in the South of Ireland, The most regrettable feature of this animosity was the way in which this feeling was being transmitted to the children, who, in those isolated districts, had not the. opportunity of appraising the Britisher at any other valuation. Bitter Politics. Politics, both in the country and the House of Assembly itself, were waged in a bitter and uncompromising spirit, and during last year's Parliamentary session feeling ran so high in the Chamber that personal relations between the Ministerialists and the Opposition were suspended for some weeks. In South Africa, as in Ireland, everybody is a politician, and especially among the Dutch there is too ready art inclination to regulate present, conduct bv the recollection of past enmities and animosities. The fault, however, does not rest altogether with the Dutchmen. Among some of the older Englishmen, especially in the ranks of the Unionist section of the South African Party, there are examples of jingoism, and they do the cause of true Imperialism a grave disservice. But events were marching toward a climax, and the real advance in this direction is to be dated from the upheaval on the Witwatersrand, with its attendant bloodshed, in 1921, and from the establishment of the later _ electoral compact between the Nationalist and Labour Parties. During and following the trouble on the Rand, a strong feeling gained sway throughout the country that General Smuts lacked the statesmanship which, verv probably, would have brought about a peaceful settlement through earlier intervention and round-table negotiation. The amicable settlement of Labour disputes in England was frequently quoted in contrast to the resort to armed troops in the Transvaal. which method was denounced as unBritish, and the Prime Minister oecame inereasinglv unpopular. Unemployment grew apace, and discontent became rife. Ihe first public demonstration of this fact was given at greatSouth African Party rally, held in the City Hall, Cape Town, in 1923, when it, was seen that Smuts was no longer the popular idol of " r lhe Man and Hour election "'.'hen he went to the country earlier in the year. He was given an extremely rowdy hearing, and more than once resumed his seat in despair of being heard. . Then came the short session of threemonths at. the beginning of 1924, which found the Ministerialists with the narrow majority of eight, and dissension within the party itself which foreboded trouble. The representation of Wakkerstroom—a Government seat —fell vacant, and the Administrator of the Free State, a _ strong candidate, resigned his official position to champion the Government's cause, lie was defeated, and like a bombshell, on the following Monday came the Prime Minister's announcement that lie was in doubt as to whether he possessed the confidence of the countrv, and ho intended to advise the Governor-General to dissolve 1 arliameat. The I'all of Smuts. The South African general election of 1924 will go down to history as one of the most bitter contests which brought about the greatest political change-over in the record of an ever-changing country, ihe pact between the Nationalists and Labour proved a triumphant combination,, despite its condemnation as " an unholy alliance by its opponents. The claim by both parties to the combination that it was i ostensibly an achievement in dispelling I racialism and for the primary purpose of cementing a better understanding between Dutch and British, made a strong appeal to the people, and Hertzog was placed in the saddle. The pact developed into a coalition after the election, and Colonel Creswell, the Labour Leader, and his lieutenant, Mr. Boydcll, were offered and accepted positions in the Cabinet. I remember during the election standing in Cape Town's principal thoroughfare watching the Nationalist-Labour victories being registered on a tabulated board before cheering crowds. A young Dutchman of my acquaintance accosted me and excitedly pointing to the board, said, ' We are going into power for the next five years, and for the live years after that, and during that decade we arc going to prove to you Englishmen that you can trust us Dutchmen." It augurs well for the future of South Africa if that statement is a true index of feeling in the country to-day—and I think it is. The country itself is confronted by problems the like of which are unknown elsewhere in the world, and if these problems are to be solved then the two predominant white races in charge of South Africa's destinies must of necessity be united and work together toward the common goal. Co-ordinated in the work of government there is every reason to hope that the desired objective of national unity, harmony, and prosperity will be attained, and that a future greater South AfricA will arise upon the foundation stones of a more embracing tolerance, wider sympathies, Ad more generous racial understanding among its peoples.