FASCISMS AND ITS FUTURE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXI, Issue 18629, 9 February 1924, Page 1 (Supplement)

FASCISMS AND ITS FUTURE.

THE EXAMPLE OF ITALY. BY NORMAN T. SINCLAIR. NO. I. It is extraordinarily difficult for an Englishman to understand the reasons for the existence of Fascismo fo realise why, under the circumstances, it was the only .thing that could save Italy from the tide of Bolshevism that was slowly overwhelming her. But it is still more difficult for us to follow the subsequent development which led to the establishment of Mussolini as uncrowned king of Italy. We, with our preconceived ideas as to the efficacy of representative government, with our more or less orderly reactionary minority, with our less excitable temperament, our less ardent enthusiasm, find it hard to appreciate the voluntary submission a people to what is practically the absolute rule of one man. Indeed, it is only after months in Italy, after conversing with many classes of Italiansgentlemen, business men. soldiers, peasants, labourers—that I have approached an understanding of the movement and of its contribution to the rehabilitation of Italy and to the restoration of national entity so, grievously shaken in the last few years. At the end of 1918, Italy was a united nation, with a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary system based on our own, a glorious tradition of freedom, and a victorious army; further, she was just emerging from a successful war which had been everywhere proclaimed as the last stage of the Risorgimento, the completion of the work that Garibaldi had begun. What then were the considerations that made her so suddenly, and with remarkable unanimity, adopt a most drastic course and practically abrogate her hard-won liberty and acquiesce in the tyranny of a dictator ? Reasons lor the Movement. Let us for a moment consider the state of the country in 1919. The war was won; but the finances were deplorable. Italy— or the Liberal Italians—had entered' the war in a burst of enthusiasm. The sons and grandsons of Garibaldi"s Cacciatori and the Thousand were going to fulfil the task their fathers had begun, and that against the very Emperor Franz Joseph who had waged such ruthless war against them. The war was won. But when the fruits of victory came to be assessed they seemed wholly incommensurate with the sacrifice; but dust and ashes, unsatisfying. There followed then a surge of bitter disappointment, a disillusionment, a revulsion of feeling unparalleled in the more sober' countries of ; the North; a revulsion expressing itself j in the hatred of all that was military, of | all that smacked of militarism; a revulsion that led to actual attacks on decorated soldiers; so that those who had fought and suffered for Italy slunk ashamedly through the streets as if theirs had been a foul and unworthy action and not a great and glorious sacrifice. Further, from out the economic distress, there grew a desire to reproduce Russia's drastic experiment, to abolish property and to establish even such an enlightened order as Russia had done. Not all the country, indeed, wished for this. I do not think a majority favoured it, even of the city dwellers; while, as for the peasant, ho is notoriously devoid of political ideas. All he asks is to be let cultivate his vines in peace. He had not wanted war; nor did he now wish for Bolshevism. But such was tho terrorism rife— no doubt it is in Russia to-day—that the revolutionary minority was bidding fair to carry all before it. A wave of Bolshevism was undoubtedly overspreading Italy. No Confidence in Parliament. Now a, country with an adequate representative system has one of the strongest bulwarks against Bolshevism. If a reform is obviously coming, people are disinclined to hasten it by violent and uncertain means. Unfortunately, the parliamentary system of Italy, though based, like that of Spain, on the English model, was not representative at all. There existed the iniquitous prefecture system, whereby prefects in whose districts Opposition representatives were elected were summarily dismissed. Small wonder then that the prefects did their utmost, by fair means or foul, to ensure Government success. In fact, with the possible exception of Piedmont, which has long had a parliamentary system, Italy has never had a representative government. Still, even a non-representative government would have been of supreme use in such a crisis if only it had been self-reliant and strong. Unfortunately again, it was neither. The country had no confidence in it. It had never done anything to inspire confidence. And we must remember that it was a comparatively new institution that had never proved its worth. In 1916, for example, the Government had not wanted war. It is doubtful whether the country as a whole wished for it. But the Fascio groups and the strong feeling of the towns forced it to acquiesce. ' Small confidence was the country likely to have in such a Government and in such a system. # Red Shirts of Garibaldi.. In 1916 it was the "Fascio"— group or Liberal guild—that saved Italy's honour. In 1922 the same Fascisti saved Italy from Bolshevism. The Government was obviously doing nothing to combat the menace. And so a number of young men from all parts of the country, dressed in football shirts and armed with sticks and revolvers—did they remember the red shirt of Garibaldi— on Rome. It is ludicrous, really. But the undignified haste with which the pseudoParliament gave way before them is a startling revelation of weakness. It was used to giving way. It had never done anything else. After all, what was there to support it? So far, the whole movement is easy to follow and to understand. The Italian has a tradition of little risings. Where an Englishman sits down and writes to the Times—the Italian has no free press wherein to voice his grievances—lie rushes off to the piazza, the public place, burns, maybe, a house or so, mobs some unsuspecting citizen, often innocent, and feels much better. It was so in Roman times the "tumultus" is its prototype will presumably be so in the future. This disaffection of the city dwellers—Che peasantry throughout are serenely indifferent —is nothing new, and this co-ordinate action is but one step further. So far, I said, we can understand and sympathise with Fascismo. Indeed, a bloodless revolution such as this is all too rare. But why, having accomplished their object, ! defeated the Bolshevist menace, stabilised finance, killed terrorism, and re- I organised the country generally, why, in- j stead of establishing a liberal constitu- j lion, did they embark on a course that ; has led to a dictatorship antt must. lead ; eventually to the cross-roads of tyranny j or revolution j