THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, JANUARY 7, 1922. AN EMPIRE NAVY?

New Zealand Herald, Volume LIX, Issue 17983, 7 January 1922, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, JANUARY 7, 1922. AN EMPIRE NAVY?

On the eve of the Washington Conference some curiosity was aroused not only in New Zealand but in the United Kingdom by a reference made by Mr. Massey to the battleships then being laid down as " Empire warships." Whatever the Prime Minister's meaning may have been —and the inference drawn in London was that he intended at a later date to offer a Dominion contribution toward the cost of the warships —an opportunity now arises as a result of the Washington agreement to reorganise the navy oh an Empire basis in ths most literal sense. In the past the navy has existed for the defence of the whole Empire, but apart from small Dominion contributions it haa been financed by the United Kingdom, and for many years its distribution has been local. In 1900 Britain maintained a China fleet which included six battleships, six first-class cruisers and six second-class cruisers.. After the defeat of Russia in 1905 the btitlile fleet was withdrawn and replaced by a cruiser force, and there then developed the gradual concentration of naval strength in the North Sea which denuded the distant stations of modern ships and brought every big gun of tho navy to bear k un« strategic theatre. The • ■' * ws unquestionably sound ii.i'c it v?as never accepted by the Ewyire lb scything but a regrettable oecessitT. Even when the German was growing in intensity the project of re-esttblish-ing an Imperial Pacific fleet was never quite abandoned by the' Dominions. A scheme was discussed by the Imperial Conference of 1909 for basing three units on the East Indies, Australian and China seas, each to comprise a battle-cruiser, three light cruisers, six destroyers and three submarines. The battlecruiser New Zealand was intended for service on the China station, but was diverted to the North Sea because of the strength of the German challenge. V» hen Lord Jellicoe made hi: ..sport ';o the Dominion Governments after the war he revived the ideal of a Far Eastern fleet, embracing vessels of the Mother Navy, the East Indian squadron, and the Australian, New Zealand and Canadian divisions. His full proposals have not been revealed, but he appears to have contemplated a fleet of eight battleships, eight batfr'.e-cruisers, ten light cruisers, forty desiroyers and thirty-s:".x submarines.

Th.- lime has come when i*. appt -rs to be possible to realise in at least a modified form the conception, to which the Dominions have always clung, oi a wider distribution of British naval forces. Under the Washington agreement the leading naval Powers will possess battleship tonnage in the following ratio:— Britain and the United States 5, Japan 3, France and Italy 1.75. This emphasises the position of the Pacific as tht new centre of naval gravity. Japan dominates the Western Pacific, the United States has divided her fleet, placing the more effective half in the Pacific and the other on the Atlantic coast. In European and Mediterranean waters there are no navies worth considering. The French and Italian Dreadnoughts are not modern, and it is open to doubt whether either nation will, for many years, be able to find the money to build modern vessels up to the ratio allotted her. For the period of the naval agreement Britain will be able, while enjoying perfect security in the Atlantic, the policing of which she will share with the United States, the Mediterranean and the North Sea, to spare some battleship tonnage for the Pacific. Under the Washington agreement she is entitled to maintain 20 capital ships, and if she decided to send one-third of the fleet to the Pacific she would have there the same number of battleships as was comprised in the China fleet in 1900. The toi.nage which may be spared for the Pacific must be decided on financial and strategic grounds. If, for reasons of economy, the United Kingdom decides to keep a considerable number of Dreadnoughts in reserve there would obviously be fewer ships available for commission in the Pacific, and the fleets that may

be available for each ocean must obviously be determined after a very careful su v *vey of the new international outlook and the new strategical situation. But it is not out of place for the Dominions to make representations at this stage that naval power centres on the Pacific, and that with her vast interests in this ocean Britain cannot, without loss of prestige, continue to be represented by the light cruisers now on the China station. British naval power merits expression in terms of Dreadnoughts in the ocean which accommodates the Japanese Navy and half the United States Navy. It may be suggested that the Dominions, which contribute so little toward the navy, should leave those who pay the piper to call the tune. A sounder and more patriotic argument is that they should help both to pay the piper and call the tune. To be frank, the Washington Conference has deprived the Dominions of their last excuse for not bearing a fair share of the cost of the navy. The recent Imperial Conference, while endorsing the principle of Empire co-operation in naval defence, referred the method and expense of such to the several Parliaments for decision after the conference on disarmament. The conference has made its decisions. What are the Dominion Parliaments prepared to do? Are they willing to seek specious excuses for evading an obvious duty. Are they ready to ignore their responsibilities in shameless silence 1 Or do they realise that self-respect demands a prompt and ready acceptance of a proportionate part of the cost of the navy? The times are difficult and there is no Exchequer which is not more or less embarrassed, the United Kingdom as much as any, but the Washington Conference has reduced our naval responsibilities to manageable proportions. The Dominions are not called upon to make heroic financial sacrifices for their safety. For at least many years the Empire may exist on a reduced naval expenditure and the time is therefore opportune for the taxpayers of the Dominions to put themselves right with those of the United Kingdom. Even if they cannot find the money to contribute during the present financial year, the Dominions should determine their liability and resolve to discharge it as soon as their finances permit. The decision is left to each Government to mate separately, and one must give the lead; why not New Zealand? No other Dominion has a more vital interest in the maintenance of an efficient navy. None is more powerfully moved by self-interest to give a lead to the Dominions which by their geographical position are less dependent on British sea power. None has a keener naval sense, and none is more willing to enter a partnership of honour and duty. The ways and means should receive the early consideration of the Government.