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THE LIE DIRECT.

ANSWER TO HOLLWEG. GERMANY'S BLOOD GUILT. CONFESSION OF AIMS. CONQUEST AND TRIBUTE. ALLIES' STAND FOR FREEDOM SIR E. GREYS INDICTMENT. London, August 25. The British Foreign Minister, Sir Em ward Ori'v. in a letter to the | ~;..-<. replies to Dr. von Rctlmiann-1 Hi.iliweg's speech in the Reichstag ,-Li.d Germany's publication of the conversation between the Belgian Minister and the British military attache, the latter being intended to prove that Belgium was in a plot with the British against Germany. " The conversation," says Sir Edward, " referred only to the contingency of Belgium being attacked. No Anglo-Belgian agreement existed. Why docs Dr. von BethmannIlollwcg mention an informal conversation and ignore the fact that I emphatically told the Belgian Mini-tor in 1913 that while we desired that Belgium's neutrality should be respected, we would not send troops into Belgium as long as no other Power violated her neutrality' Nothing could be more despicably mean than this attempt to justify a deliberate violation of a neutrality which Germany guaranteed, by bringing against the innocent and. inoffensive Belgian Government and people a totally false charge that they plotted against Germanv.

" Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg does not emphasise the charge in his latest speech. Is the charge withdrawn ? If so, will Germany make reparation for the cruel wrong she has done to Belgium

Hollweg's Garbled Quotations. "] I propose to publish the Foreign Office records showing the negotiations regarding the proposed AngloGerman agreement in 1912, which were brougnt to a point where it wai clear they could not be successful unless we promised absolute neutrality, Germany remaining free to take part in a European war. Dr. von Bethmann - Hollweg quotes an isolated sentence from my speech of August 3 to prove that Britain was ready for war. He does not quote the words ' we are going to suffer terribly whether wo are in it or whether we stand aside.' I leave it to anyone outside Germany to settle for himself whether he understands those words to mean that Britain desired and planned a European war or whether she laboured to avert it.

" I never said anything so ridiculous and so untrue as ' we want war.' Tho war would have been avoided if a conference had been agreed to. Germany, upon the flimsiest pretext, shut the door against it. I expressed myself ready to acquiesce in any method of mediation Germany could suggest, if mine was unacceptable. I said that mediation was ready to come into operation by any method Germany thought possible, if only Germany would press the button in the interests of peace.

Germany's Desire For War. "Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg encouraged nothing except direct discussion between Vienna and Petrograd. What chance of success was there when we learn afterwards that the German Ambassador at Vienna was expressing the opinion that Bussia would stand aside, conveying the impression. to his colleagues that he desired war from the first? Some day, perhaps, we will know what really .passed between Germany and Russia respecting the ultimatum to Servia. Its consequences have become only too apparent. " The confluence we proposed to which Russia, France, and Italy agreed, Germany vetoed. It was the only hope of peace, and it was such a good hope that Servia accepted nearly all the Austrian ultimatum demanded. Although severe and violent, outstanding points could have been settled honourably and I fairly by a week's conference. Germany must know we would have taken the same straight and honourable part therein that she recognises we took in the Balkan Conference, working not for the diplomatic victory of a group but a fair settlement, opposing any attempt to exploit the conference unfairly to the disadvantage of Austria and Ger- ■ ■ .'■ ri v. i

Death Warrant of Thousands Signed | " Germany's refusal of a confer-1 piifc die! not. decide British partici- ! pation, it did decide the question of peace or war, and it signed the neat}) v. arrant of many hundreds of thousands of lives. We must not f"i"-'<r that the Tsar proposed to the Kaiser that the A German dispute should be settled by a Hague conference Is there a candid soul in Austria, and Germany, looking bank over the past year/ who do*>s not regret, that neither the British nor Russian proposal was accepted? Dr. von Bvthmann-Hollwog explains th.it the German programme ! 0 .-ontrni the destiny of all other nations will he the shield of peace and freedom for large, and small Nations If Germany is supreme <;,>,- many alone will be. f )T .,. '~. break international treaties, free to crush when she please?. f rPt , to rrfu,. all mediation, free to goto war when if suits her, and free when ' ■ ■'••' ;'• ' ll wnr " break again all rules of civilisation and humanity on land and sea.

'' The freedom of the &c a ;„ ro&snn»Hv a subject for discussion, definiturn, and agreement by the nations after th« war, hut not while there is nn 're..,!,,!,! an <'l no s-niriiv against 7** r " ml '"'""in n»..|]»n«l, :n,o„ the > land. to- «2i I L- t i <;Vft , arc to bn guarantees - . against further war," Sir Edward

Grey concludes, "let them be equal, effective and comprehensive, binding Germany as well as other nations, including ourselves. ' Germany is to be supreme, and the freedom of other nations is to be that which Germany meets out to them.' That is the conclusion to be drawn from Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg's speech. Dr. Helfferich adds that the heavy burden of thousands of millions must be borne through decades, not by Germany, but by thoso she is pleased to call the ' instigators of the war.' In other words for decades the whole of the nations who have resisted her should labour to pay her tribute in the form of a war indemnity. Not by such terms can peace be concluded nor the life of nations except Germany be free or even tolerable. Dr. von Bethmann-Holhveg and Dr. Helfferich make it appear that Germany is fighting for supremacy and tribute. If that is so, and so long as it is so. our allies and we are fighting and must fight for the right to live, not under German supremacy, but in real freedom and safety." ,

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19150827.2.53.23

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume LII, Issue 16007, 27 August 1915, Page 8

Word Count
1,023

THE LIE DIRECT. New Zealand Herald, Volume LII, Issue 16007, 27 August 1915, Page 8

THE LIE DIRECT. New Zealand Herald, Volume LII, Issue 16007, 27 August 1915, Page 8

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