THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1912. THE AMERICAN ELECTIONS.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLIX, Issue 15141, 4 November 1912, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1912. THE AMERICAN ELECTIONS.

An American Presidential election is always a momentous event, for it iecides the administrative character af the great English-speaking republic for the ensiling term of foui pears. In most of the States the Presidential election is simultaneous with the election of governors, legisators, judges, sheriffs, mayors, coun sillors, educational boardsmen, jus bices of the peace and the rest of the vast army of elected officials. The Federal House of Representatives, jhosen by districts, depends upon the same gigantic polling; and though the American Senate is still repre seritative of the various State legis latures, its composition equally de pends upon the party results of the popular elections consequently th( whole of the Federal administrative and legislative authority goes ' intc bhe electoral melting-pot, to emerge in such form as may be determined by the popular will. The only pari of the American political organise tion which is not thus periodical!} referred to the people for their re consideration is the famous constitution, a document which can onlj be amended by a special and complex process, and which, as interpreted bj bhe United States Supreme Court— a, nominated body—rises -inexorably above all enactments of Congress as above any State legislation or minoi judicial decision. The existence oi a, documentary constitution differen biates the American political systen from that of the United Kingdom, where there is absolutely no limita bion to the conjoint power of King and Parliament to make whatevei [aw it may please them to enact 01 bo dispense with any law it maj please them to repeal. An Americar Presidential election, within this judicially interpreted constitution. vitally and fundamentally affects the sntire political life of an almost continental nation and excites periodicilly an intenne national interest, this interest being invariably enhanced and exaggerated by the persisted clamour of party organisations to induce the democratic voter to support their candidates. This party clamour is enormously costly. Victory in i doubtful State may decide the political complexion of the Federal ad ministration and the retention oi partisan States is not less essentia] ;o Federal triumph. The collection if campaign funds is a necessary and important item in the party programmes, millions of pounds being spent in more or less legal methods }f influencing the voting of free and independent electors. From partj efforts to solve this financial problerr scandals frequently arise. We heai aothing of the customary levies'' ipon party nominees, apportioned according to the assumed value oi ;he positions to which they aspire, though this is the source of mud Dmcial irregularity, but much has Deen recently told of the exaction oi ''contributions" from trusts and combines and of the sums paid bj wealthy men for seats in the Federa Senate, that most exclusive and in luential of all legislative chambers Taken altogether, American politica methods do not inspire enthusiasn 'or republicanism among those wh( ive under the British flag, and have led to a remarkable revolt againsl party, managers within the ranks oi the wealthiest and most powerful oi American party organisations.

The American Presidential election of &12, whereby will be decided the personnel of the Washington Government from March next to the corresponding month of 1916, is of exceptional and unprecedented interest, owing to the revolt of the " Progressives," led by Mr. Roosevelt, against the Republican . party managers. Party managers, in the United States, mean those who hold the party purse strings. This financial domination is occasionally acquired by virtue of personal wealth, but is more frequently secured by politicians whose astuteness and " reliability" commend them to the good offices of- the great commercial institutions, trusts and associations which provide the bulk of the campaign funds. The Republican Party has held the Presidency, with one short interval, for oyer fifty years, and has become closely associated with the plutocratic * element which has attained such fabulous proportions in America during this half-century. Mr. Roosevelt,\who as Vice-President stepped into the chair of the murdered McKinley and was subsequently elected for the usual secondterm as . President, was bitterly opposed by the orthodox Republicans, on the ground that he was an " unscrupulous demagogue," when he a.gain sought nomination in oppo-1 sition to his successor Mr. Taft. We may always discount the wild language used in American party politics and cannot be far wrong in assuming that the real cause of the managerial antagonism to Mr. Roosevelt, and evident partiality for Mr. Taft, was based upon the conviction that the former would go much further than the latter in restraining the trusts and combines which have become a positive danger to American society. Whether Mr. Roosevelt would go too far or Mr. Taft not far enough in remedial action is another question altogether. Whatever else may be said of Mr. Roosevelt it cannot be denied that he has an unqualified courage or that he exercises a rare influence over a multitude of sincere and reputable American citizens. His courage and his influence enabled him, when defeated in . the Republican National Convention by what he asserted. be improper methods, to defy the Republican managers and to draw into a "Progressive" Party practically the entire progressive wing of the Republicans. As the candidate 'and leader of these Progressives he is making a strong fight for the Presidential chair, and has probably succeeded in destroying the prospects of Mr. Taft, though it seems hardly possible that he can succeed in his adventure. The attempt to assassinate him at Milwaukee will certainly hot diminish his popularity although it had no political significance. The chief impediment in his path to the..White House undoubtedly lies in the high personal character and reputation of Mr. Woodrow Wilson, the Democratic candidate. The Democratic Party has at last put forward a champion worthy of comparison with those great Democratic statesmen who so ably guided the policy of Washington during the earlier decades of the republic; if Mr. Wilson is elected i to-morrow the United States will not lose in the slightest degree the esteem and respect of the civilised world. It is quite possible, however, that neither .of the powerful champions in this triangular battle will secure the necessary majority in the Electoral College, in which case the election will be thrown into the Federal House of Representatives. As the voting is then by Stateseach State delegation having one vote only—a House election should be advantageous to Mr. Wilson.