THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1908. THE KAISER ON PEACE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLV, Issue 13844, 2 September 1908, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1908. THE KAISER ON PEACE.

As we have pointed out, the moriarchs and statesmen of Europe are at present largely occupied in protesting . that nothing threatens the peace of Europe and of the world, of which protestations; We have" a further example in the energetic speech of the Kaiser at Strasburg. The most antique of the Continental Sovereigns there assured his audience that pe.ic primarily depends upon the conscience of princes and statesmen, " who know and feel that they are responsible to God for the lives and prosperity of the peoples entrusted to their leadership." The history of mankind hardly encourages us to accept unreservedly this claim of a prince who is one of the last of Western monarchs to assert his "Divine Right" to rule. Princes and statesmen have so frequently planned and precipitated wars as to. give ris£ to an idea very popular among theenthusiastic republicans of '48 that if kings were abolished' war would cease. This is obviously fallacious, in view of the fact that under all forms of political organisation wars have occurred ; but it contains a sufficiently large element of truth I—in1—in the part played in the making of wars by ambitious sovereigns and statesmen— to compel us to 'dismiss as mere rhetoric this sweeping assurance of the German Kaiser. His final claim, that " peace is assured and guaranteed by Germany's power on land and sea," is only completely admissible as a local claim, applying peculiarly to Alsace and Lorraine. The city of Strasburg, the . most historic town; of these fair provinces, was wrung with them from the possession of battered France only thirty-seven years ago, and it is a mere truism to, say that they are peacefully retained only because Germany is able to keep by force what she won by force. If we take the broad lesson of the Franco-German War, we find its teaching to be that a country , which neglects to keep itself strong for war can never be sure of peace. Within a decade Prussia and her ; allies, the associated German States, fought three wars, with Denmark; with Austria, and with France. In each case she overwhelmed them by the completeness of her military preparations ; in each case she herself was immune from invasion while carrying desolation into' the terri - tories of her opponents ; in each case she made peace only upon , terms that aggrandised her territorially. The, outcome of these wars, known to - have. , been i'oreseen and, pyen / -i ' '■ .

planned, by the militant genius of Bismarck— the power of the Hohenzollerris, and directing the enthusiasm of German nationalitywas to make Prussian Germany what it is to-day, the greatest military force on.the Continent of Europe. Admittedly, Germany can only retain what the French still term " the lost provinces" by making it hopeless for France to attempt to recover them; but it is otherwise inconsistent for the Kaiser to assert that Germany's power on land and sea assures and guarantees the peace of Europe. ..= • ' ■ Furthermore, if we look into the Kaiser's speech, what do we immediately discover to be the most salient feature 1 Unquestionably this: that " Germany is determined to maintain them (i.e., her naval and military forces) at their high level ~ . . and to develop them as her own interests demand." We are also told by the Kaiser that this is' "without menace to others," which reminds us of Mr. Roosevelt's mes- • sage to Australia while the AngloSaxon world was rejoicing at the appearance in the Pacific of a fleetcapable of asserting the supremacy of the white nations in these waters. Such qualifications are evidently diplomatic in their character, and are introduced in the same mood as the Kaiser's previous reference to the "conscience of' princes and statesmen." , What concerns the na- . tions is not humanitarian platitudes, but the actual disposition and definite acts of the rulers and leaders of j great States. And the Kaiser's j speech, in essentials, is a reply to j the agitation for disarmament, never strong among the practical Germans. He declares, .with the frankness which is one of his characteristics, that Germany does not intend I to reduce her navy schemes or to lessen for her people the burden of the army. She will keep them at their high levelshe will increase them as it suits her; which declaration is not only a warning to those Alsatians and Lorrainers who may still dream of a reunion with their French brethren, but an instructive suggestion to those British poli- • ticians who are seeking to persuade us that the time has come to send the navy to the scrapheap and to allow the defensive strength of the ! British Empire to dwindle into in* •| significance. For though Germany's ' ] power on sea and land may, if suffi- ; cient, guarantee peace within Ger- , many, it is only Britain's, power on sea and land which can guarantee peace within the United Kingdom, ■ and within those wide marches of Empire where four hundred millions : now live securely under the Union : Jack. Denmark and Austria and France-all discovered in turn the ' ' meaning to them of '.Prussian mili-. tary superiority, arid the British' Empire will inevitably be /taught the same lesson if the same defensive weakness is allowed to appear. This should be self-evident to all who take the trouble to study the international outlook. At the same time, it should be recognised that Germany is pursuing the safest policy ; when she aims at making herself so i strong that none will care to attack I her, and that, her victory may be ! quick and complete should war j arise. For battleships cost less than ,i battles and armies less than cam- \ j paigns. The cost of international | war is no longer estimated in tens j of millions, but in hundreds of mili lions, apart from the incalculable j losses of trade. A strong British I navy, with such defensive forces in | every British country as will secure j it from invasion and leave the navy j to do its duty at the most strategic | points, is cheap whatever the cost, ) because it is an effective guarantee I against attack by any Power what- ! ever. i ever. IX , . '■■'.;