THE New Zealand Herald AND BAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JANUARY 22, 1906. AN IMPERIAL COUNCIL.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLIII, Issue 13081, 22 January 1906, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND BAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JANUARY 22, 1906. AN IMPERIAL COUNCIL.

Among the latest, official publications •of the Balfour Government was an important Colonial Office paper containing correspondence between Mr. Lyttelton and the various selfgoverning colonies . relating to the "future organisation of Colonial Conferences." This was issued on December 1, 1905. It is of particular interest as indicating the views of the Balfour Administration upon a question so close to the colonial heart, and we shall await with anxiety information as to the intentions of the Bannerman Administration. If Lord Elgin in this adopts the policy of his predecessor in the Colonial Office, it may be fairly assumed th?,t the better political organisation of the British States of the Empire is regarded as desirable and necessary by both the great parties in the Imperial Parliament. From the colonial point of view there does not appear to be any sound reason why the Conservatives and the Liberals of the United Kingdom should differ upon this phase of the Imperialist movement, however much they may differ upon fiscal questions, which affect the United Kingdom as well as the Empire as a whole. But the colonies do not always find either rhyme or reason in some of the aims and aspirations of British parties, either Conservative or Liberal. It was impossible for us to understand why the " Little England" Cabinets of the latter half of the Nineteenth Century were so unashamedly eager to break the Empire up and to start the colonies as independent though friendly firms, instead of gradually admitting them to the responsible partnership sought after colonies themselves. And it has been equally impossible for us to understand why the "Imperialist" Cabinet that has recently surrendered office was equally and as unashamedly eagerafter spending £250,000,000 and 50,000 lives to keep South Africa politically British—to swamp the Rand with Chinese insiead of British labour. These past bewilderments make us doubtful as to the intentions of the Bannerman Administration, acting through Lord Elgin, upon the Imperial Council question and add to the importance of the Lyttelton policy, as indicated by the paper published when the Balfour Administration was already moribund. The initial despatch of this paper is that sent by the Colonial Office to the self-governing colonies in April last. In this despatch Mr. Lyttelton reviewed the growth of our colonial conferences from the original one of 1887 to the third and most important one of 1902, laying stress upon two noticeable features: that when summoned for specified purposes they had been immediately taken advantage of to discuss and consider any and every question of colonial importance; and that although hitherto connected with gatherings in London incidental to important Imperial celebrations, the iast conference had decided in favour of future meetings at prescribed intervals and solely for the transaction of business. In consideration of these noticeable developments, Mr. Lyttelton suggested that the name "Colonial Conference" should

be replaced by that of " Imperial Council,'' so that due weight might, be given to a gathering at which all subjects of importance between the Imperial Government and the selfgoverning colonies were discussed ; and that a permanent Commission should be appointed, by the Imperial and the colonial Governments jointly, to prepare business and collect any desired information in order to expedite the work of the Council proper. It is assumed by Mr. Lvttelton that the next Colonial Conference will be held in the summer of 1906. The various colonial replies to this Imperial despatch constitute the rest of the paper. Briefly, South Africa and Australia are warmly favourable, Canada is cautiously favourable while " Imperial Conference," ana Newfoundland—the solitary archaic survival of the petty Xorth American colonies, of which all the others are merged 111 lh& great Dominion—is dubious. NewZealand replied in November that the elections were on, and that a reply would be sent when the Cabinet met. But there can be little dcubt as to the general tone of Mr. Seddon's answer. The only point to which exception could be taken by the self-governing colonies is that India may be represented upon the " Imperial Council" as outlined in Mr. Lyttelton's despatch, but this is conditioned by the words, whenever her interests required." No harm whatever can be done by consulting in this manner with the Indian authorities upon matters in which they have clear interests, nor is doing so likely to interfere with the gradual development of an Imperial Council into a great Imperial Parliament of the British peoples if that development is, as we believe it to be, in the road of our inevitable progress. There is not, at the present time, any danger of confusion arising between States which are peopled and governed by Englishmen, inheriting from common ancestors every right and privilege known to the English of the United Kingdom, and States which are peopled by aliens and governed by the military superiority of British rulers. As Mr. ' Lyttelton pointed out to Newfoundland, whose weakness makes it suspicious of every change, an " Imperial Council" would only be the continuation of the " Colonial Conference" under a more appropriate title. Yet it is very plain that " council" implies permanence, periodicity, inclusiveness, and as such will be applauded by the progressive colonies and may be tabooed by the Bannerman Cabinet, with or without apparent reason. As for the proposed Commission, it is apparent that it affords the nucleus of what may become an actual permanent advisory body, to which the Council may easily become notning more than an extraordinary general meeting. The Australian Government evidently perceives something of this, for Mr. Deakin has claimed two nominations upon the Commission for the Commonwealth, instead of the one suggested by Mr. Lyttelton; while the Canadians " cannot wholly divest themselves of the idea that such a Commission might conceivably interfere with. the working of responsible government," a criticism which only puts in another form Mr. Deakin's application for a direct vote. But the attitudes of the Dominion and the Commonwealth are really noteworthy as showing with what intense seriousness the simple Lyttelton suggestions are being received throughout the Empire, and how keenly colonial statesmen feel that an Imperial Council only requires opportuity to develop into that great governing body of which the need is almost universally realised.