MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S REENTRY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLI, Issue 12602, 17 June 1904, Page 7

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S REENTRY.

7 -A STIRRING AND ELOQUENT ' SPEECH. enthusiastic reception. [from our own correspondent.] London, May 14. Mr. Chamberlain made ''> re-entry on to the stag® of public affairs the night before last, -when he delivered at Birmingham one of the most vigorous fighting speeches, which met with a most enthusiastic reception. After some preliminary observations, Mr. Chamberlain said': "I was not cast down, when, on my return from a short holiday the other day, I was assured by opponents that ay new programme had fallen lift, the issue I had raised had already been decided against me by the overwhelming logic of the Free Food. League—(laughter)— thl romantic arithmetic of the Cobdeu Club, by the colossal imagination of the Radical press. (Renewed laughter). Ah! but are not these parsons » little premature, are they not fa too great a hurry, does their study of political history teach them that a question ■which has aroused "so much deep interest, so much real enthusiasm, so much support from all classes in the country, does their (study of history teach them such a question can ever die? No. It is not to be disposed. 0 { bv the waving of old rags o. the clatter jug of worn-out pans. They will find they are mistaken; the question will remain until it is bo longer a question, but a fact. I sever expected, I never desired, that the settlement of this question should be unduly hastened. No one has recognised the importance of this change more seriously than J do; and I have always held that a great change should not be carried hastily withoutfull consideration, without a great, mass of public opinion behind it; and I do not think that a year, or even more, will be wasted in preparing a sure foundation upon which the new policy can safely rest. Meanwhile, we reformers have a good deal to congratulate ourselves upon. After ail, it is only 12 months since this question, which, indeed, was not new, which was in many of your minds, in the minds of some of our greatest statesmen long ago, but which only then became a question of practical politicsit is only 12 months since the question was raised in that form; and since then what has happened? Well, one of the great political parties in the State—and in our constitutional system it is necessary to proceed by party—one of those parties has, at til events, advanced to the point of recognising that the existing system cannot continue, that a change must- be made. We are not going to remain for ever the football of foreign nations; we are not going to allow our competitors indefinitely to take advantage of our generosity, which _ they absolutely refuse to reciprocate. The Unionistparty almost unanimously in the House of Commons, even more unanimously in the country., is pledged at least to this to endeavour to recover that power of retaliation the loss of which far-seeing statesmen regretted 50 years ago, and the restoration of which has been desired by far-seeing statesmen since, by none more than, by the late Prime Minister." Mr. Chamberlain having expressed his conviction that a referendum would show a large majority in the country favourable to his proposals for fiscal reform (observing that he was not so sure of such a result in the next general election, the vote then given would be complicated by a multitude of varied considerations and questions, such as education, licensing, etc.), had some striking things to say about the work done by the Unionist Government, and as to the prospects of its possible success. He said: "This Government, our Government— (cheers)—l still venture to .associate myself with my late colleagues—l gay oar Government has had a longer life., a more active career, than 'any G-overntaent in modern times. Think of what a record we shall leave behind" TS2. We have dealt with social reforms about which other people only chattered. (Laughter.) We have in our foreign policv regained the influence which others have lost; we have removed those hindrances to the peace of the world which might have disturbed it in the future; we have maintained the integrity of the Empire; ft'e have restored the confidence of our fellow-subjects across the seas, who had beran to 7 doubt whether the Old Country had still the ability and the will to defend her own ; we have initiated reforms in the great departments of State; we have grappled with problems of legislation the most difficult that have ever been presented to a Government. We have done all this. We must suffer for our virtues.-. (Laughter and cheers.) ) Nothing of this kind can be done without a certain amount of friction, without some loss of votes; and all this impairs the chance which I have desired of a- fair consideration for the new programme at the general election ; and all who nave been offended by what has been done Li the past will take their opportunity of shewing their offence andmr.y wait for another opportunity to show their approval of the unauthorised programme. But, although that may be the case, although there may ba some delay, 1 am not certain that the great issues will not be hastened by a change of scenes, a change of actors, bv putting on a new piece which will not. last 'long—(laughter and cheers)— and which will soon be hissed oft the stage.

THE COLONIES AND .THE EM PIKE

Mr. Chamberlain then referred to the relation of the colonies to the Empire as follows;—" There may be some—there are Homewho still share opinions of an older generation, who think that the United Kingdom can best stand alone, that the colonies are mere.encumberances, to be got rid 01 as booh as possible. In that connection it is important to remember that Mr. Cobden, all throughout his career, connected himself with this separatist doctrine, that he looked forward with hope to the separation of Canada, that be desired the loss of India, that he expected the independence of Australia. He had a cosmopolitan philanthrophr, admirable in its way; but it has do place in my philosophy. (Cheers.) I wish no ill to foreign nations, but I wish good, to my own —(cheers) —and it cannot be necessary now that I should argue against this antiquated doctrine, this doc trip® of foreign and Imperial policy which is already as < ancient as the doctrine of free imports witA which pur trade is fettered. I need not argue against it; »you will agree with me when I say that future of this country, its prosperity, the continuance of its glorious traditions, its continued influence upon the intelligence and the civilisation of the world all depend upon its continuance as a member, and, I hope, for many years, the principal member, of a great federation of sister States ail ready to protect and to assist one anothei. (Cheers.) That is the condition of our existence. Believe me, the day °f small nations has long passed away, The day ot

Empires has come." "But," said Mr. Chamberlain, "if these proposals cannot be accomplished, there is Bp alternative; those statesmen to whom I have referred have proposed none, they cannot propose any, they have no feasible plan, because no other plan will have the ; colonial support. If there is no alternative then we have to fall back on this policy of drift upon which we have been living; we shall have to content ourselves with afterdinner speeches and professions of confidence that we do not feel. We shall have to live on the puny hope that the delusion o. the British Empire will last our own. time. No, I expect something better than that; I expect something better from the people of this country, something better from the people of the colonies. (Cheers.) I have received in recent months invitations from the Government of Australia, I have received invitations from important representative organisations in Canada; I have said: "Itis premature, I have to convince my own people before I venture to appeal to you; but lei the mandate be given, and I or another, it matters not to* me who is the representative who carries the mandate, but I or another will go to Canada, will go to Australia, will go to to our own people abroad, and will claim from them the same patriotism that we have found and evoked in our own people at Home, and we will unite the Empire." (Cheers.) "Well," continued Mr. Chamberlain, what is the position? These great colonies 3t ours have decided with a unanimous voice

which is wonderful it you consider the difference of their circumstances, the variety of their conditions, the number of their local qnd separate intereststhey have decided with a unanimous voice that this question of union can best be approached 011 the commercial side. They are ready to make concessions ; they have made concessions. (Cheers.) They are ready to make more. I do not call them sacrifices, because they are not sacrifices, since they are mutually beneficial, but they are ready to make still greater concessions, in order to secure a self-sus-taining Empire interchanging its products, more freely strengthening by ties of interest the sympathies which already exist, and paving the way for the consummation of the highest ideal which a nation can reach, that of evolving from this loose assemblage of several States a great Imperial, organisation, preserving for all its members their local independence, but one against all the world when the interests or the honour of any of those members are attacked. How are we to deal with a situation so pregnant with our fate, with the fate of the British race? "I declare, lie said earnestly, " I am almost in despair when I find statesmen who profess, with perfect good faith, I do not doubt, to be Imperially-minded, statesmen like the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Rosebery, Lord Goschen, and Mr. Asquith, all desiringyes, I will say desiring objects which I have in view , and seeing these facts, having the evidence of this goodwill on the part of the colonies, treat their offer—and offer it. istreat- their offer as if it did not exist, minimise its importance, doubt its good faith, go about assuring their country * men that the colonies will do nothing for them, will give them nothing worthy of their acceptance, and, on the other hand, will demand from them sacrifices which they cannot- afford to make, I make to-night a public appeal to these statesmen. To my mind the evidence of the feeling of the colonies is unmistakable; but it is not sufficient to convince them. I ask them to take the opportunity of some publio utterance to say definitely what will convince them, to say what assurance either from the Government or the Legislature, or from individuals in the oolonies, will assure them our children across the seas are earnestly and unselfishly desirous of closer union, are willing, in order to secure it, to meet us at least half-way, to give us at least as much as they ask from us in return. "What proof do they want and will they say that if that proof, any reasonable proof that they can ask, is afforded them, they will then give a favourable consideration t» those proposals of mine for preferential and mutual trade within the Empire, and will they authorise the Government of the day, I care not whether it is Radical or Unionist --will they authorise the Government of the ' day to enter into negotiations with the colonies, in order to secure this object? If they will not do so, how do they expect these people to believe in them? "if they will then it will be our duty to secure the proof and the evidence which they ask. I think we will secure it— reasonable evidence that men. can require"; and if we fail, then ft will be our part, it will be my part, to admit that I have been misled, to admit that ' I have misunderstood the feelings of the colonies, that I have over-estimated their patriotism, sorrowfully to confess that this dream of my life of a great Imperial union must be claimed as a dream, never to be accomplished. No, lam not hopeless, but I wait for the reply.. I ask Imperially-minded men to meet me in an Imperial spirit."