LORD ROSEBERY'S SPEECH.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXIX, Issue 11878, 1 February 1902, Page 5 (Supplement)

LORD ROSEBERY'S SPEECH.

SOME PLAIN SPEAKING.

VARIOUS COMMENTS. [FROM OUT. own correspond!

London, December 20. If Lord Rosebery's real temperament be of the cynical and somewhat Mephistophelian type that many people conceive it, an idea which finds some support in the peculiarly dry and sardonic tone of the humour that always characterises his utterances, he must be filled with unholy joy by the effect of his memorable speech. lor it has plunged the whole civilised world into a condition of abject bewilderment. Of course nobody- or at any rate ® y a very few ultra-candid persons confess to this feeling of puzzlement. But one has merely to read and hear the various opinions on last Monday's oration to realise how entirely Lord Rosebery played the pa-, of modern oracle or sphinx or saver of Sffif TC , The P lain fact is that absolutely nobody knows what to make of his utterances, and everybody finds in his speech a different meaning. No deliverance on the part of any statesman or of any public or private individual not even of " Dizzy" in his most oracular (lays, or of Bismarck, or of Napoleon in his heyday has ever been anticipated with such intense and eager curiosity. Nobody could quite make out what might be expected in the circumstances. A few, I dare say, fancied he might come out with some new and brilliant idea which would prove an absolute panacea for all the South' African troubles. But most people clung rather to the hope—or fear— ho would announce his willingness to emerge from his retirement and take an active part in polities once more. That this fear was keenly entertained by the Campbell-Bannermanites and pro-Boers is plainly shown by the comments of their press organs. In a new Liberal-Imperialist party the pro-Boers and Home Rulers and the fence-sitters, too, would be nowhere. And so all these trembled. The Ministerialists, on the other hand, felt that an Opposition led by Lord Rosebery would no longer be a negligible quantity like the present miscellaneous assemblage of incongruous and hostile units, and so they watched' with some nervousness to see what would happen, A mighty assemblage, including 140 press representatives, came together at Chesterfield on Monday night. But there was little of the spectacular. A gaunt railway shed affords small scope for the picturesque. Nor is it by any means an ideal, place to speak in, as Lord Rosebery soon found. He had, of course, a most cordial reception, but so soon as he began to speak it at once became evident that he would not be audible to more than a moiety of the 5000 who had come to listen. This speedily produced friction. The speaker was interrupted with irritable requests that he would " speak up." Lord Rosebery, v,<ho at skirting seemed slightly nervous, became irritated in his turn, and refused to proceed unless silence should be maintained. This condition was not easily compassed, and for a few minutes it seemed possible that the epochmaking speech • would not be delivered at all. However, matters were smoothed down at last, and Lord Rosebery continued making it manifest that he was exerting .himself to the utmost Do make himself heard, cud so the not unnaturally discontented ones who, in spite of having paid their money, were unable to catch distinctly more than a stray word here and there, had to console themselves with the reflection that after all they were hearing the historic speech, and that they would know what it was all about when they got their papers next morning. And so the course of events thenceforward , was placid and undisturbed.

Lord Rosebery was careful to impress upon his audience that he had not authorised the highly-coloured and imaginative forecasts of his intention which had found extensive currency. He disclaimed all idea of sensational announcements or of anything else spectacular. "I have only come to speak my mind," said Lord Roseberv, " and to offer some advice to the Liberal Party." ,"Lord Rosebery thus summed up his whole policy as regards the war: "Itis to pursue it with vigour and efficiency, and to be prepared to listen to overtures for peace, and then to grant the largest and most liberal terms, always excepting the closed and sealed question of incorporation. Well, that policy represents the best advice that I can give the country to-night. What I can do to further it I will do. For mv services are, as they always have been, so far as health and strength will permit, and as the services of all British subjects are, at the disposal of my country. Party in this matter can avail little or nothing. I appeal unto Caesar. From Parliament, with its half-hearted but overwhelming Government supporters, and from a distracted and disunited Opposition, I appeal to that silent but supreme tribunal which shapes and controls in the long run the destinies of our people. I mean the tribunal of public opinion and of common sense." Thus concluded this remarkable address, which had occupied two whole _ hours in delivery. It was receded with great cheering, and both Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith, who followed, expressed their cordial concurrence ; but next day the newspapers throughout Britain and Europe too had their say, and it was various. Space will only permit me to quote a few specimens.

In the opinion of the Times Lord Rosebery's advice is straightforward, manly, and clear. He does not put himself forward as a leader, but his language is of that kind that gives men the lead. If the living and vigorous elements in the Liberal party are to prevail and to reconstitute a real Opposition, vitalising, by the wholesome working of reaction, the Ministry and the Ministerialists themselves, it will be only by rallying to the standard that Lord Rosebery has raised. But while Lord Rosebery still speaks as an individual, detached from political connections and responsibilities, he is the central figure in a group of able and public-spirited men, to whose ideas lie gives the most pointed and forcible expression."

The Daily Telegraph thinks that " Lord Rosebery has risen to tho very height of his opportunity. He has vindicated his independence, kept his faith, swept- the suggestion of wire-pullers and reconcilers to the winds, and addressed his appeal to the Empire and to the future in a great speech worthy of the theme, the hour, and the reputation of an orator who, whatever else may lie said, has been true to himself. Tho Chesterfield speech, no matter what may come of it, is inspired by patriotism and statesmanship which lilt it high above the dust and din of partisan bickerings. It will long be memorable as an expression of the spirit and the ideas which must prevail in the public life of this country, whoever may eventually be chosen as the instruments of constructive Imperialism."

We shall not be accused of favouritism," says the Daily Mail, '"when we state the simple fact that Lord Rosebery amply justified his reputation, and proved that-,* as in former times of difficulty, our country ■lias produced a statesman. Briefly, we may say that Lord Rosebery threw over both the Liberal and the Tory parties, and offered himself to a new party, whose watchword will be Efficiency. The old cries and shibboleth are extinctdead relics of a post century. Home Rule has vanished ■for ever from, our platforms. It is no longer the ground of cleavage between the Unionist and the Liberal. From to-day H>otli these appellations have lost their utility." It 'is held by the Globe that "The grand merit of Lord Rosebery's speech is that so far from affording a rallying cry to Continental libellers and an encouragement to the enemy in the field it has given the fullest expression of the national intention to go through the war. One thing is clear. Lord Rosebery has taken on irrevocable step—he has put his hand to the plough and there is no ' going back. He has to reimpose his authority on those who have wandered far frdin his principles and to build up again oji practically new foundations. ■ The problem of the moment depends largely on the attitude of Radical officialdom. ' If, as the jperby Conference seemed to indicate, the pro-Boers have captured the machinery of the party organisation, the struggle will be greatly intensified." On the other hand, the Standard is "exceeding bitter." (It says:—"Lord Rosebery's speech at Chesterfield last night was a profound disappointment. ; Seldom has a , public man had .a (finer.; opportunity or mis-

uesd it more signally. ... . Men of all parties hoped. for leadership, guidance, and a large and statesmanlike view of s affairs. . . . Lord Rosebery stands to-day where he did yesterday. He is still ploughing his own furrow, or digging, to use his I latest improved metaphor, in his private f cabbage garden. He is still a general without an army, a politician without a policy... I His programme is merely a statement of his own personal a iews on many points, inconsistent, incoherent, and impracticable, full of compromises which will conciliate no section- and of doctrines which are selfcontradictory. It is iccted in insincerity, and its net result is mere futility." The Chronicle, no longer pro-Boer, remarks :"Lord Rosebery is pledged before the country, and in conditions of exceptional emphasis, to placc himself at the head of a movement conducted on what, for want of a better name, we may call the new Liberalism. This is the most important outcome of the Chesterfield meetingThere was never any reasonable doubt as to the general tenor of what he would say. The real question of interest was what he 'would do, or rather whether he would do anything. He reserved his answer to that question for the end of his speech, and it was when he began to answer it that the enthusiasm of the meeting was greatest." As might bo expected, the speech does not please the pro-Boers, whose chief' organ, the Daily News, remarks: "We do not envy those who expected a great speech from Lord Rosebery. A long speech they have got, but not a great one, nor one with any elements of greatness in it. Much of it was a covert attack, not in the best possible taste, upon the memory of Mr. Gladstone, and upon those who still hold the principles of that illustrious statesman." But another ultra-Radical paper, the Morning Leader, says: "We doubt whether any one section in the country will welcome everything .which, he saidthose who have clamoured loudest for his guidance least of all. But about the broad effect of his speech we have no doubt whatever. Lord Rosebery has spoken oil the only question of immediate paramount urgency at once as a patriot and a Liberal. His speech will make for peace, and that is, after all, the single test which a practical . man will apply to it." Another Radical organ, the Star, is also approbatory. It says : " Lord Rosebery in his statesmanlike speech placed himself in, line with- the Liberal peace movement. . . We find no radical difference between, him and Sir Henry Campbell-Banne-rman. On the cardinal and crucial question as to the crying need of the hour, the need of a constructive and generous policy of peace, they are one. And, therefore, we hail Lord Rosebery's speech as a basis for Liberal union. If he will work day by day with his Liberal colleagues for tho furtherance of peace there ought to be an end of bickering and back-bitings, of intrigue and cabal." Only as " a servant" will the Echo welcome back Lord Rosebery to politics, not as a possible leader. It observes : " Lord Rosebery made it clear that he was no Imperialist of the type of Sir Edward Grey, and that he was nearer the middle way than Mr. Asquith. It is difficult to reconcile Lord Rosebery In his various moods, but upon two points he was definite. He stood for peace, and he stood for a blending of the races. . . . ■ We do not profess to know what Lord Rosebery has : in mind in appealing to C<esari; but wo know this : The rank and file of the Liberal party will not be won from their old allegiance.* If Lord Rosebery is willing to come back a, faithful servant and an honourable col-. league he will be welcomed. Meanwhile, we hope Sir Henry Cam pb ell an in an will stick to his guns." "Pretty much what we expected," says the Pall Mall Gazette.-" Does not the Standard know its Rosebery by now? In him an infirmity of purpose- wrecks ,a healthily patriotic instinct. He will.return to public life, but under conditions which, despite Mr. Asquith and Sir Edward Grey's enthusiastic acclamation, are quite incomprehensible. He will try, or look on while others are trying, to replace the present Government by anotiher. . . . Lord Rosebery's admirers will fail to discover, in the course of a prolix oration, any practical instruction in the use of the drill and the hoe. He preaches efficiency, but always with the air* of the elegant amateur condescendingly observing the drudges as they toil and moil away. Lord Rosebery was rightly . contemptuous of the childishly infamous Derby resolution. All this is good ; all this will vex the poor, irresolute 'CJL,' and, what is much more important, it sjhould persuade Messrs. Schalkburger and Steyn and the commandants that their game is up. Carefully arranged emergencies of his from his lettered leisure add a certain spice to politics, and in that respect they are not unappetising. But a company cannot dine off Chesterfield sauce, and this will be .about the last occasion oil which a speech of Lord Rosebery's will be expected as a decisive eventeven in the squabbles of Radicalism." Lastly, the St. James' Gazette says : — " From 'anyone else the speech of last night would have meant the rending of the Liberal party from the, top to the bottom, and the definite formation of a new party, with a programme which would have, or should have, Avon the adhssion of a large following from tho ranks of the more patriotic Liberals. Lord Rosebery made it quite plain that if the work is to be done lie, at any rate, is not the man who will do itHe sits with his coat on and his hands in his pockets. His face wears still its scoffing smile, and he says in effect, What a set of duffers you are, all of you! This and this is what you ought to do. But as_ for giving assistance to carry his words into effect nothing could be further from his noble mind. To us. as Unionists, the whole thing is frankly ludicrous. Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Asquith, and Mr. Henry Fowler have declared their admiration of Lord Rosebery's speech and penvirtually unqualified acceptance of the views enumerated by him at Chesterfield Ihat his utterances have appealed most forcibly to the general common sense of the Co " Tlti at large is quite certain. Tfce omy doubt felt is whether the ex-Premier will be able to bring himself to re-enter the troubled waters of politics, and so both to sacrifice tho cultured leisure which he is known to prize so highly and to incur the penalties which hard work and. worry impose upon his neurotic temperament, .one being S rab-ia and another insomnia. It is quite certain that he really feels as lie himself marked to m; -personally only a month ago. "Theposition of Prime Minister is not at all one to be envied!".