THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, JULY 25, 1900.
Any disagreement over the patriotic funds would bo as much regretted by the people at large as by the I gentlemen entrusted with the money so freely subscribed. There can be no question whatever that all concerned are earnestly desirous of discharging to the utmost that duty which it is at once a pleasure and an obligation to recognise -the alleviation of the suffering occasioned by the war among those who have so heroically fought the battle of the Empire in South Africa, and those dependent on them. It would be superfluous indeed for us to assert the whole-heartedness of our local Patriotic Fund Committee, whose exertions so largely assisted the public in giving expression to the generous spirit which animated the movement. The same may be said of every provincial committee. Equally, we all recognise the purpose of Mr. Seddoiy in his suggestion for the amalgamation and official trusting of the various funds. One fundamental desire is common to them all, and approved by the universal subscriber: to do the best that can be done in the matter, to effect the purpose for which the money was given in the simplest and most generally satisfactory manlier. Ways and means may fairly be discussed without ill-feeling. Only we would most strongly deprecate the introduction into the discussion of petty considerations and hasty criticisms which might reflect discredit upon the noble object which every man and woman— might almost add every child—in the community has at heart. As everybody knows, but which we state to make the position clear, when the war first started there was an organised movement to supplement the Mansion House Fund opened in London. Although Now Zealand rushed its first contingent to the front, it was not immediately felt that our colonial losses would be heavy and the first contributions were unquestionably intended to lighten the home-burden, were aw much an expression of hearty sympathy as was our contribution of fighting men. But as the war-cloud spread over our fellow colonists in South Africa, and we realised that not merely oui military sympathy but actually our military aid was called for, contingent after contingent went enthusiastically over the sea. The patriotic funds retained,'' at any rate in Auckland, their original shape; but the prospect and certainty of large local claims arising became gradually evident. Come donors expressly stated that they subscribed for our. New Zealand needs, and these moneys. were placed in a special fund; but the average subscriber, large and small, gave on general principles, in the,,openhanded way usual when popular feeling is . roused, confident . that in some way or other the : claims of our ; New Zealand men would. be looked after. JKe•■; tee Mow- iutithe; '^a&pffi&l
Patriotic Fund Committees- considerable sums of money, nominally forming part of the Lord Mayor of London's Fund but we have also colonial claims to ! .' an ■ extent; absolutely unexpected, and consequently uncalculated for when the funds .were started, claims which cannot possibly be: ; attended to from London or treated as part of the Imperial bill of costs. ; There are possibly exceptions, but we arei confident that the overwhelming majority of the community—who in a very real sense form the subscribers—favourably regard the suggestion that New Zealand Patriotic Funds should be applied to meet New Zealand claims, and that they would in no way regard this as a diversion of their subscriptions from the purpose which inspired, it. In' the letter, it might be a diversion; in the spirit, most certainly Dot. Our Auckland Patriotic Fund Committee, wisely foreseeing the difficulty, forestalled any hitch upon this point by obtaining formal leave from the Lord Mayor to retain and administer locally sufficient funds to meet local claims. This permission was freely and unhesitatingly given, as was the Mansion House consent to a local enlargement of the original scope of the fund, so as to enable any dependent upon our men to be assisted from it. We have not the slightest doubt that any decision which might be arrived at in New Zealand regarding the administration of the various funds would bo unquestioningly approved of by the Lord Mayer— can easily be cabled to-and do not think, when the facts are understood in Wellington that there would be any thought of refusing him the simple courtesy of asking his consent, whoever we might regard as the true masters of the situation. There may be much truth in the Premier's rough statement that of the £20,000 which has gone irom New Zealand to the Mansion House Fund not twenty pence have been returned. Still, most of us are well content to have that amount stand as a free gift to the Motherland. Confusion doubtless arose in South Africa, and in it our New Zealand lads were momentarily neglected. That has been rectified— our expense, of course—and we need say no more about it. But we may fairly arrange now for placing the local Patriotic Funds upon a basis satisfactory to New Zealand, which we thirk requires a definite understanding that the balances still in our handb shall remain in the colony and not be sent to London. We are inclined to think that upon this there will not be any serious difference of opinion, and that the matter can be readily settled in a mutually courteous and honourable manner.
But if we agree that New Zealand money should now be devoted to meeting New Zealand claims, a more difficult question opens up. Mr. Seddon wants to amalgamate tho various funds by legislative action, in the hands of trustee's, consisting of the chief magistrates of our four larger cities and others, to be elected by subscribers. We do not think that to such a treatment of the funds as would give every New Zealand war-sufferer equal claim upon them, there would be any real objection. We are certain that the members of cur own local committee, who have been so untiring in discharging the duty entrusted to them, and can proudly claim to have placed "all recipients in as good a position as they were before the war," which was the aim of the movement as it developed, would be the very last to make a distinction between any New Zealanders who have suffered in our common quarrel. It is possible that in the unequal happening of death and disease;, in the unequal holding of funds, one district might have a disproportionate duty to discharge as compared to another. There are numerous forms of anWgamation which would avoid this undesired inequality. The real objection arises when we are confronted with the prospect of centralised admiristration. Our feelings about that may be "parochial," but run in our blood, and are fostered by our experience. Frankly, we do not like it. Putting asidi any and every criticism \vhich might give offence to any— in this matter of our soldiers' needs, who would wish to give offence ?— is reasonable to think that local committees are in closer touch with local cases than any centralised administration could possibly be. Surely a plan is possible which would do all that is necessary for security and equality, and yet recognise and work through the committees now existing. We do not want another Kaitangata muddle. It may be well to avoid by possibly necessary legislation, any risk of disputation. It would be good to so arrange matters that wherever a New Zealander happened to live he would be as sure of having his rightful claims mot as his comrade living north or south of him. But in avoiding some difficulties we need not rush blindly into others. We wait with some anxiety to know just what Mr. Seddon proposes.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXVII, Issue 11433, 25 July 1900, Page 4
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1,289THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, JULY 25, 1900. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXVII, Issue 11433, 25 July 1900, Page 4
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