THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1899.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXVI, Issue 11163, 8 September 1899, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1899.

The British Cabinet meets to-day to consider the Transvaal question, which, during the last few days has assumed a character the gravity of which must be apparent to everyone. The Cabinet is only summoned during the recess when matters of supreme importance arise which call for immediate consideration, and when action has to be taken involving issues of the gravest kind. Whatever may be the precise nature of the communications received by Her Majesty's Government from South Africa, it is obvious that the relations between England and the Transvaal have now reached a point when it is no longer possible to delay taking decisive measures to end what is not only an intolerable state of affairs, but a real menace to our prestige and interests in South Africa. It is anticipated, according to our cable news, that the Cabinet will resolve to present an ultimatum to President Krtiger, fixing a time at which the Transvaal must either accept Sir A. Milner's scheme or face the responsibility of war. Nothing short of this extreme step is likely to terminate the present crisis. Indeed, we are by no means sure that the Government have not laid themselves open to censure by not taking this course earlier. It has been apparent for some time past that the Boer Government were merely temporising, that they had no real intention of granting freely the concessions asked for, and that nothing but a specific threat to resort to force—a threat couched in the plainest language—would induce them to give way. The game they have been playing has been to attempt to get rid of the incubus of the British suzerainty by plausible promises of franchise reforms for the Uitlanders; but in this they have not succeeded, and it must by this time be clear to the most ignorant of them that there is no chance whatever of Great Britain abandoning her suzerain powers. The warlike preparations which the Boers have been making with much ostentation have been intended not so much as necessary precautions as for effect. They have the habit of talking of fighting and ending by making peace. Mr. Cecil Rhodes, in a speech which he delivered recently at the Cape, recounted a little incident which illustrates this characteristic in a very striking manner. During the trouble in Bechuanaland he arrived one day in front of the Boer forces. General Joubert came up and asked, "Who are you 1" He replied, "My name is Cecil Rhodes.'' "You are Administrator," said the general. "Yes, I am," replied Mr. Rhodes. "Then," said the general, " blood must flow." Mr. Rhodes replied, "Don't talk nonsense. I am hungry, come and give me some breakfast." Mr. Rhodes stayed there a week. There was no bloodshed, and before he left he became godfather to General Joubert's grandchild. The same sort of thing, we hope, is going to happen now. The Boers talk of bloodshed, but the chances are that when they receive the British ultimatum they will conclude that it is better to agree with their adversary while yet there is time than to take the field. But while holding this opinion, the other alternative is not to be ignored. It may be that the Boers, trusting to being able to create an outbreak in the Cape Colony between the Dutch and the British, and bring about a state of civil war, and possibly plunge the whole of South Africa into confusion and anarchy, will venture 10 defy the British Government. We do not think that even in the event of war with the Transvaal there would be any serious danger of a rising at the Cape. The Afrikander party though sympathising with the Boers, are not likely to side with them in forcible opposition to what are admittedly just and fair demands. The Dutch at the Cape have the same political rights as the British. No difference is made between the two races. And they cannot, consistently, support the Boers in denying to the Uitlanders in the Transvaal the political privileges which they themselves enjoy under British rule, Nor can one believe that the Orange Free State, which is living in friendly relations with Her Majesty's Government, is likely to be induced by any arguments of the corrupt Pretoria oligarchy to throw in its lot with the Transvaal in armed resistance to the Imperial Power. Identified though both Republics are by race and language and the community of interests

which spring from the conditions, the present dispute is one that in r,o way concerns the Orange Free ■ a-e further than the natural desire of that State to prevent the c.isappenrance of the Boer Republic, i restdent Steyn has Been endeavouring to bring about an amicable solution of the difficulty, and we believe ihst his influence has been exerted steadily on the side of peace. xi. Schreiner, ho is Premier an tie Cjipe, and whose aspirations are well known, has also, on behalf of the Afrikanders, been using his influence to prevent war, though some of his actions bear a rather questionable complexion. While he ha., been proclaiming his loyalty to the British Empire, he has at the same time been openly expressing sympathy with the Boers, and encouiaging them to insist upon the terms most favourable to them in the matter of the franchise and representation. But we account for this, as also for the obstinacy displayed by the Boers themselves, by the fact that there has been too ready a disposition to believe that the British Government would not go the length of using force to obtain their demands. But if this idea was entertained, it must now be abandoned. However reluctant the British Government may be to resort to extreme measures, it is now clear that they are determined to take that course if their reasonable proposals are not agreed to. And when this determination is explicitly set forth in an ultimatum, we confidently expect to see a complete change take place in the attitude of the Boers and their sympathisers. The longer the present situation is permitted to continue, the greater danger is there of war becoming inevitable. The only hope of peace, as we pointed out the other day, lies in boldly grasping the nettle, and giving the Boers a specified time to yield unconditionally or face the consequences. Months ago an English statesman declared that the Transvaal question would be ended at once by the despatch of 10,000 troops from England to the Cape, and we believe that he accurately stated the true position. Preparations have now been made for a much larger force being sent out, and it will no doubt depend upon the decision arrived at by the Cabinet to-day whether this force will leave England. The question has now become not merely one affecting the political rights of the Uitlanders, but the position of great Britain as the paramount Power in South Africa. British prestige is at stake, and though prestige may be scouted by those who are incapable of realising to what extent the British Empire rests upon prestige, it is impossible to ignore how much we stand to lose by allowing the impression to spread throughout South Africa that we shrink from maintaining our position, and are afraid of insisting upon British subjects being accorded just treatment. The British Government have shown extraordinary forbearance and patience in their negotiations with the Boers, but there is a point when forbearance and patience cease to be virtues, and come to be regarded, not as a proof of strength, but an indication of weakness. That point has now been reached, and even at the cost of war— which no humane and civilised people can enter with a light heart, no matter how just and righteous the cause may be— the time has come when further parleying must end, and stern action begin.