THE FRANCO-CONGOLESE TREATY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXI, Issue 9598, 24 August 1894, Page 4

THE FRANCO-CONGOLESE TREATY.

In Wednesday's issue we referred to the Franco-Congolese treaty, which lifts caused such dissatisfaction in England, and also gave the salient provisions of the agreement entered into in May last between the English Government and King Leopold, of Belgium, which affected the Congo Free State. The Anglo-Belgian agreement cleared up a good many embarrassing questions as to the British sphere of influence in the Upper Nile, but it left the Congo Free State to its own devices to settle with France what are to be the boundaries of their respective spheres of influence to the west of the 25th degree of east longitude. For three years past the limits of their respective possessions on the Upper Mobanghi have been a source of dispute between France and the Free State. Repeated efforts to effect a settlement have failed, the French Government maintaining that the fourth parallel forms the extreme northern limit of the possible extension in that direction of the Free State from

the point where the Mobanehi strikes that parallel to the eastern limits of the State. Against this view King Leopold has vigorously protested, maintaining that the Free State, like any other Power, is at liberty to extend its dominions if it can legitimately do so. The view of the Times is that the Franco-Congolese treaty does not affect British rights in the Upper Nile Valley, though it will compel effective occupation. This seems to have been recognised for some time past. Some portions of the Equatorial region have been effectively occupied by the forces of Great Britain or the Free State. The British flag was hoisted at Wadelai early in the present year, and the Van dec Kerckhoven expedition is in occupation of Lado. In order to still further strengthen the occupation of the territory assigned to each contracting party, Lord Kimberley gave King Leopold an assurance that he would recommend the Colonial Secretary to give facilities for recruitment, under suitable conditions, in the British colonies on the West Coast of Africa, to facilitate the prompt occupation by King Leopold of the territories in the western basin of the Nile comprised in the lease ; at the same time the British Government reserves the right, in case of need, to recruit soldiers in the territory situated between the 30th meridian and Lake Albert. The whole of the difficulty which has now arisen might have been avoided, had the British Government acted with decision and promptitude, and known what it calls its mind. But it appears British statesmen have learnt nothing from the New Guinea fiasco, and other blunders arising out of vacillation and dilatoriness. When the general delimitation of territory in Central Africa took place, the large district to the south of the Albert Nyauza, and to the west of the main stream of the White Nile, was unquestionably included in the British sphere of influence. But though the district was at our disposal by international consent and agreement, none of the steps which are held by international agreement to be necessary in order to confer real sovereignty were taken. While British statesmen backed and filled, being more absorbed in placating Fenians, and discussing Parish Councils and the Welsh Church, than guarding the outworks of the Empire, the Congo Free State pushed in and explored the unoccupied sphere. Now that the British Government has made up its mind to keep Uganda, this territory to the north, through which lies the way to the Southern provinces of Egypt, becomes of importance. It is not creditable to British enterprise that that territory should have been explored by the Congo Free State, which by virtue of that exploration obtained a claim and a lease, the outcome of gross carelessness or folly on the part of Great Britain. Well may the Times say of the agreement: "If the matter be examined with coolness and impartiality, it will be found that we have sacrificed advantages fairly within our grasp, and that all we now secure forms but salvage out of the wreck. The agreement simply effects a compromise, to be defended merely as a compromise, a pis alter rendered necessary by our own carelessness or folly." Judging from late cablegrams respecting the Franco-Congolese question, it remains to be seen whether Great Britain will secure even "the salvage out of the wreck."