GERMANY AND FRANCE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXI, Issue 9580, 3 August 1894, Page 4

GERMANY AND FRANCE.

A'cablegram in yesterday's issue states that: at an interview which M. Jules Simon, the French statesman, had with the German Emperor, the latter stated that "only a madman ora criminal could drive Germany and France into war." In the Contemporary Review for June, M. Simon published an article, the object; of which was to proclaim " A Truce of God," after the fashion of the middle ages, to last until the Exhibition with which the twentieth 'century is to open. . Parodying the old saying, "If you wish for peace, prepare f for war," he says' "if you wish for peace, prepare for peace." He. recognises" : that the Triple 'Alliance was not intended for offensive but defensive purposes, and to that extent is a guarantee for peace. Speaking for his countrymen, M- Simon says that France is not longing for war, and that a'great longing and labour for peace has taken possession of all Frenchmen. He points out in eloquent terms what the barracks and garrison life is doing for the yOung men of France; that villages are being depopulated, while the soldiers, after their service, refuse to go back to labour on the land; and that all the services of the State are famishing for money, while half the revenue is devoted to fortresses and munitions of war With Europe armed to the teeth, and simply a magazine of combustibles, he asks himself what . should be done. .M. Simon advocates an international conference to decide, on the reduction of the term of service everywhere from three years to one. " The formula is clear and simple, and cannot give rise to two interpretations. It could be easily and promptly put into execution. Iu a year's time the Whole thing could be done. The relative position of each Power would remain just what it was before, as the change would apply equally to all, in accordance with the same formula. The economio result would be enormous. We could not, indeed, count on a redaction of two-thirds of the expenditure, on account of fortresses, military works of various kinds, stores, and special corps ; but we may confidently reckon on a diminution by half. It would be salvation! .We should get back little by little to the expenditure of the years before tue war; and the budget, already reduced by half, might still be subjected to reductions in other particulars. " ■ In England there is a party, growing stronger every day, whose influence and advocacy will always be for peace, arid who will be ready to bring pressure on the Government to co-operate in any proposals or suggestions for a general retrenchment of military expenditure, or partial disarmament by the Great European Powers. Military expenditure has gone on increasing ever since the Franco-German war in a geometrical ratio, until at last Powers, like Italy, will have no revenue left for the elevation and improvement of men, but only for compassing their destruction. If only onefourth of the money spent on purposes of war, for : offence or defence, was devoted to the betterment of the toiling masses, Europe would soon wear a changed aspect. All schemes of social improvement which require funds are set aside in the face of the demands of " the war god." The sentiments of the great Nonconformist bodies are fairly voiced in a recent speech by the chairman of the- Congregational Union on "The Fiendish Sin of War," and on the silence of the Church in regard to it:— They lived in the immediate possibility of one of the most sanguinary conflicts the world had ever seen. Civilised Europe was armed to the teeth. What was the Church doing in the presence of this fearful curse? As ambassadors of the Prince of Peace, were they lifting tip their voice in season and out of season against the international sin of bloated armaments? Were they striving to bring home to the people the fact that it was essentially their question ?'. So lons as the people were content to be the . tools of kings and statesmen, who had too much regard for their own skin to fight themselves, they mutt expect to suffer in a brutalisnd nature, iu increased taxation, an impoverished home, and a populated graveyard. If on this subject the Church had a living conscience and a speaking voice, common sense and Christian principle would prevail, and arbitration for ever displace the sword. Occasions will arise when offences will come, and when the sword may be drawn in a righteous cause, but it is a poor remedy at the best. Every honourable means- should be exhausted in favour of peace before appealing to "the last argument of kings." There is reason to believe that the reluctance of any of the Great Powers to bring on a conflict is less from being impressed with such motives than from a dread apprehension of the outcome of letting loose in Europe sixteen millions of armed men to fly at each other's throats, involving consequences which no man can forecast. M. Simon estimates that in the event of a general European conflagration eight millions of men would perish before it could be supf)ressed, and civilisation put back for ialf-a-dozen centuries by the campaign. s , ; : .:"'.■' : fi \