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REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES

DISCUSSION BY THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION.

A general meeting of members of the National Association was held at the Association's rooms, Queen-street, last night, for the purpose of hearing the reading of a paper prepared by Dr. Kilgour on " The Representation of Minorities." Mr. John Batger, the president, occupied the chair. There were about 30 gentlemen present. The Chairman, in his opening remarks, stated that the Association was not in any way responsible for the opinions expressed at that meeting. It was not proposed to submit any resolution either in favour or in opposition to the scheme. They had come to learn, and to extend their knowledge upon the subject in question. The Secretary (Mr. John Hastie) then read a paper on The Representation of Minorities," written by Dr. Kilgour. The writer stated at the outset that his duty was rather to supply a text upon which others might' dilate, • than to give an exhaustive essay, for which he hardly possessed the materials. He then went on to show that it should be apparent to everyone who considered the meaning of representation, that neither to majorities uor to minorities belonged the right of monopolising the votes of the people, by virtue of which political power was bestowed. In either of the cases in which such an ascendancy might be claimed, the foundation of the plea by which a fraction should become entitled to represent the whole, was manifestly illogical and inequitable. It was manifest that where all men enjoyed equal doctoral rights, no system of representation by which that fundamental condition ww violated could be considered just, or to have any claim to completeness. The recognition of the ascendancy of majorities was no more than a rough and ready way of arriving at a result, and not an equitable method of conserving the rights of all. It was this unsatisfactory state of things that the Hare system undertook to correct, by the adoption of the very obvious and simple plan of making the whole of tho votes given at any election available in determining the result, instead of accepting the decision of a majority, according to general custom. The majority would carry the greatest number of candidates, while the minority would only be represented according to its strength, and the system has therefore been called the proportionate system of representation. There was no difficulty in the plan. Of course it was quite probable that if the scheme were .in actual operation some weak points requiring amendment would be found ; but what was first required was the establishment of the principle that minorities had the same right to representation as majorities; and also that there was no great difficulty in the way of a practical recognition of that principle. The system involved the necessity for large electorates, for it was plain that it could have no operation among constituencies returning one or two members only. Perhaps the provincial districts would furnish tho most convenient electoral divisions in Mew Zealand, being Large enough to embrace every variety of interest within each of them, and not too extensive to prevent candidates visiting them without too much inconvenience. Large constituencies enjoyed several important advantages over the smaller ones. The arrangement would have a tendency to bring the be&t class of men into the field, and not mere local politicians. Hence a parish and logrolling class of members would be denied admission to Parliament. A seat in tho House would be less sought after as a means of obtaining local advantages, while the small cliques, who at present hampered the free action of members and monopolised their patronage, could have no raison d'etre in an extended electorate. Tho representation of minorities would also ensure a more free and adequate discus sion of importantqueations; for the interests of majorities ana minorities were by no means identical, particularly in New Zealand, where a tolerably distinct lino of demarcation divided the colony into two camps—the Haves and the Have note. At present the latter were the almost absolute musters of the situation. They were left to settle many questions of industry and of commerce with which, as a party, they could have little acquaintance, and which they approached in a spirit of prejudice and of antipathy. A specimen of this one-sided view of financial subjects was afforded by Mr. Ballance's proposal to tax foreign bond holders, from which ho was only compelled to withdraw by outside clamour, raised chiefly by the threatened capitalists, the majority of his supporters willingly acquiescing in their chief's view of the question. It was matters of this kind which were in danger of being handled in a hostile spirit and debated imperfectly, while the classes whom they mainly concern were to such a great extent excluded from Parliament. The representatives of these classes were but waifs and strays amongst the great Liberal majority. Again, to the minority belonged chiefly, not only the material interests of the colony, but also the knowledge of affairs, and the scientific and literary ability existing amongst us. New Zealand was being governed by tho least instructed, the least responsible, and tho least interested portion of the population. The task of those was a good deal lightened by the consideration that while they only imposed taxation and expended the proceeds, the money by which their living was assured and their status raised, came from the unrepresented minority, which possessed no efficient means of protesting against such an unusual division of Government. Majorities often become tyrannical because they are not called upon to answer tho arguments of their opponents; while it was notorious that tho creation of majority rights, beyond those which belong to predominant numbers, was liable to beget arrogance and a dependence upon mere numerical strength, as was forcibly exemplified in the United States. No European writer upon the great Republic and its ways had failed to noto with disapproval the tyranny which prevailed in every department of society in consequence of the overbearing power of majorities. Under such a system the political rights of individuals became utterly lost, being merged in the organisations which had become necessary in order to give effect to tho will of the majority. What was to be expected in New Zealand where a per manent majority had been created by the concession of universal suffrage? The only means of mitigating such untoward conditions, was by regaining for the minority a part of the political influence, of which they were deprived under the law of majorities. So long as the present majority remained in the ascendant, so long would the representation of minorities be opposed with a vigour arising from the conviction that it was the only direct and certain means of abridging their power. A large amount of ignorant prejudice would also have to be encountered by the scheme but its friends understood the situation, and it behoved them to act according to the circumstances which might arise. It was to be hoped that these circumstances might prove favourable.

At the conclusion of the paper a discussion of the question dealt with took place, Dr. Davy, ami Messrs. Kirkbrido, Dix, and Hardy taking part. A vote of thanks to Dr. Kilgour for his able and interesting paper terminated the proceedings.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18920819.2.7

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIX, Issue 8961, 19 August 1892, Page 3

Word Count
1,210

REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIX, Issue 8961, 19 August 1892, Page 3

REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIX, Issue 8961, 19 August 1892, Page 3

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