TILE WESTMINSTER REVIEW.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXV, Issue 9244, 22 December 1888, Page 1 (Supplement)

TILE WESTMINSTER REVIEW.

The first article in the November number of the Westminster Review (Trubner and Co.) is on "The Future of the West Indies," and is founded on Mr. Froude's book, and on others which have been lately issued referring to these interesting islands, which have so much that is singular in their history. The writer, who has apparently full knowledge of his subject, anticipates a good future for these ancient colonies of Great Britain. The second article, "King Olaf Tryggvisson," is an account of a great King of Norway, a true hero and monarch, who began to reign in 995, when these northern regions were a much greater power in the world's history than they are now; when the men who emerged, from Norway and the adjacent lands overran Europe and were giants in battle. The story of King Olaf is instructive, as a glimpse of a man who was a mighty ruler, who personally led his warriors in battle, and who perished in a great sea fight, of which a vivid narrative has been preserved. " The Thrift Movement on the Continent" shows how the saving propensity has made progress in Europe. It has taken hold of France, where the people were naturally disposed to accumulate small sums over long periods. In Spain such progress has been made as augurs well for the future of that country. In Austro-Hungary, in Denmark and Sweden, and in Germany, the "thrift movement," by laying up sums in savings banks, has spread through the industrial classes. A review of Mr. Stanley LanePoole's " Life of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe" is followed by one on "The Metropolitan Board of Works." Then comes an article of very considerable interest, entitled "Why is Scotland Liberal?" To find the reasons, the writer has to go back to the Pro-Reformation times. He traces the causes which gave to Scotland a democratic spirit in Church and State, a spirit which has had no inconsiderable share in influencing the politics of Great Britain and of Europe. Wo quote a passage : — At a very early period the views of the great Scottish political thinkers were very advanced. The complete supremacy of the Crown had been prevented by the enormous power of the barons, and the constant struggle between the two forces hindered the consolidation of the Government. The national constitution lacked fixity, because there was no single power dominant over all the others. The natural result was that politicians could speculate on the principles of government with greater freedom in Scotland than in a country where the sovereign power was recognised to exist in one body and the methods of government had been formulated with exactness. George Buchanan, in his work, "De jure Regni," written for the instruction of his royal pupil, James .VI., laid down that all power, even that oi the King, was derived from the people, and was to be exercised for the general welfare; that it was granted only under certain restrictions ; and that it was lawful for the people to resist tyrants. These doctrines, however commonplace they may seem now, were very far in advance of his time. He was followed by some of the reformers, who in their struggle with the Government set forth doctrines which to the statesmen of the period must have seemed almost revolutionary. Undoubtedly, however, the Scottish people first acquired a position of political influence subsequent to the Reformation period. Prior to that time the whole power in the State was wielded by the Crown and barons. Each of these strove to gain the support of the Church in the contest with the other. But the mass of the people was not recognised as possessing any controlling voice. The towns were too small and poor to produce a powerful middle class of the burgher type, and the people in the country were ranged under their feudal superiors, whose commands they were bound to obey. But they sprang into independent power in the State during the conflict between the Reformed Church and the Crown. The reforming party in the Church, with the help, of the nobles, subverted the Romish Church, and established in its place the Protestant faith. But the reformed clergy, deserted by the nobility in the succeeding struggle with the Crown, flung themselves on the people, who cordially supported them; and, as the contest went on, the issues gradually broadened until they embraced the question of the civil rights of the people as against the royal prerogative. The triumph of the clergy thus meant the triumph also of democracy in Scotland; and so fierce had been the struggle that the principles maintained during it -were indelibly stamped on the minds of the people. However willing in religious matters the Scottish people might lie to submit to the dominion of the clergy, tin civil matters their opinions, whenever expressed, were essentially democratic. The three great supports of Conservatism in England have been—(l) the exelusive or class character of the higher education ; (2) the Church; (3) the influence of the landed aristocracy. In all these particulars Scotland was entirely different from England, and the workings of these differences on the policy of the United Kingdom are most interesting to trace. In the independent section we havo an article, "Ideal Marriage," by Mis. Mona Caird, who, by an article which alio contributed to the Westminster some months ago, started the discussion on "Is Marriage a Failure?" The present article is quite unsatisfactory in showing any way of escape from the evils which are described. The copious discussion of the subject which lias taken place since Mrs. Caird previously wrote has not enabled her to come to any conclusion.