THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIV, Issue 8055, 16 September 1887, Page 6

THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

" When a truth Is uttoreil. It will sooner or latar be recognised. It is omjr an .ff ur uI time."—BeaconsriKLD.

Lust the Ministerial ruse of proclaiming Protection as the issue m*y mislead, I write again. First, let me remind electors that the tariff was not the real cause of the want of confidence resolution, bat mereiy the last straw —and but a «traw comparatively—that broke the long-suffaring camel's back. The distrust had existed for years ; mainly by reason of the Treasurer's extravagant finance proclivities. The situation, however, haa been acutely aggravated by the wild vagaries of the nominal Premier, who had proved himself either to be ignorant of the first principles of political economy, State elucatiou, and government, and a mischievous enemy of the working classes, or to be a deliberate mis-'eader. tie apes toe garb, but lacks the qualities of a democratic champion. Thus, the tariff was, comparatively, an msignificant factor in the condemnation. Let, therefore, none be deluded into believiug that the Ministry were outvoted by reason of a promotive policy, or that that is the i«sue. indeed, it is patent that the wily VOgel, foreseeing the storm, expressly put forward a spacious lure for the unwary, lor the distinct purpose of diverting attention from graver issues— ministerial scandals and mistakes.

Wh*t is generally afa " test of integrity in a public man is consistency and it is therefore instructive to note a pamphlet by Stout, wherein he says :—" Yet what are poor laws, protection systems, etc., doing bat this ?—a species of robbery by the arm of the law" (vide New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 1887, vol 57, p 526) ; and also to mark the Treasurer'.! Financial Statement of 1885: — "We distinctly abjure a policy of protection, which would give to the followers of protected pursuits aStateguaran toe of success, no matter how unsuitable these pursuits might be. Any policy of the kind which would carry with it a guarantee of the State, direct or implied, through the thousand ramifications of manufacturing operations, would be a system of unhealthy forcing, fraught with possible ultimate disaster. . I say to the manufacturers thoughout the country that they will be unwise if they invest large sums in industries under the idea these will be dontiuually bolstered up by tariff arrangements" (New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, vol 51, pp 73 and 74).

True, the Premier pleads that it Is unfair to pin him to a pampulet published some 16 years since. But as we may fairly assume that the Treasurer's statement in 18S5 of the Government's financial policy had tne oon* currence of the Premier, the plea is idle, Just now, I express uo opinion upon Protection. But supposing it were "the industrial policy which should be pursued, the present question must be, will Protec tion mend our present sick condition— financial exhaustion coupled with deepseated distrust, in other words, a disastrous laok of cash in general circulation, and also a ruinous loss ot credit? With an expenditure greater thun income, the grossest extravagance in legislation and administratiou(l), ruinous taxation, comparatively no population or State-immigration, no soand scheme of land settlement or State-educa-tion, a fostering of wealth consumers instead of wealth-producers, an ill-managed railway system, charitable aid (2) and bankruptcy laws which crush the provident to support the improvident and vicious, and moreover, with a class-policy persistently pursued which necessarily has had the effect of oppressing and frightening capitalto say nothing of isolated gross outrages, such as allowing the Pukekura Crown grant to be set aside—l say with all this not even a Protection enthusiast would dare to abuse the patienoe of a protectionist audience by asserting that Protection woul l be an immediate panacea, Fortunately, there being cash wailing investment at a cheap rate, sufficient to develop resources and promote industries, and good land available, recuperation is possible. But to effect this, there must be no more political gamblers, or ignorant, or politically dishonest tricksters placed in power; and it must be prominently recognised that Capital (the product ot former labour) is one of thu three great factors in wealth-production, that In-

(1) "My only wonder is by what process they hare succeed**! in finding employes enough to people all these rooms, aud in Inventing business enough for the furtunve morula who are called upon to ravage public affair* iu New Zealand."-Baron Von lldbaer. " lhrou,h the British limp re," p. 195, referring to the Qoveinment buildings at Wellington. See ul o Mr. Hrodie Hoare's article In "The National Heview."

•2) "Vet what are poor l«ws, . . doing but tiiia? A species of robber/ by the arm of the law,"— Sir U. Stout.

dustry is mainly (3) dependent upon it, that Capital depends upon Confidence, and that Confidence is indeed a sensitive plant. The working man seems to forgetwhilst it is he above all others who should remember—that "Industry is limited by Capital," that Labour cannot prosper, without Capital, that, Capital, by whomsoever supplied, is just as indispensable to State pros* perity as Labour, that Capital is abso'utely requisite to found and support industries, which are what the working man mainly depends upon for his daily food, and that it is therefore suicidal for him to promote any movement or Ministry, or support any man, who pursues a policy to oppress or frighten Capital. How important, therefore, that every oare be taken to inspire capitalists with confidence; and how can any sane working man think that it is his interest to return a Ministry or men to power whom capitalists (be they great or small) must view with the utmost distrust. I confess 1 have been often amazed at the way in which the working man allows himself to be hoodwinked by selfish charlatans, inspired by personal ambition or spite. I am a Radical—a firm believer in the Sovereignty of Wisdom, a staunoh advooate of the Government of The People, by the People, for the good of The People ; and, being so, I venture to assert that any politician who preaches that the interests of the working man should be selfish and apart from those of Capital, or that prudent immigration is permanently injurious to the interests of labour, or that an inorease of population necessarily decreases rates of waftes, or that perpetual land leasing is not feudalism in a dangerous, impraotioable, and odious form (4), or that the oharitable aid and bankruptcy laws are not promotive of improvidence and vice, or that eduoation (if State education be justifiable at all) ia justifiable at the expense of the State except as a protective measure, or that wealth-consumers should be encouraged rather than wealthproducers, or that further borrowing is wise, or that the religious feelings of Roman Catholics, or of any other class should be ignored—is no friend to the colony, ami especially an enemy to the interests of The Working Man. Sucn theories are on a par with the futile and mischievous ideas that hours of labour and rates of wages (even, forsooth, irrespective of the quality of labour) can be fixed by Act of Parliament, or that collusion should necessarily be a bar to divorce, or that a Judge should sit on an appeal from himself, or that a man is an honest Radical, who declaims against titles (for instance, K.C.M.G.'s), and aocepts the first of which he has the chance.

Apparently, our agricultural and manufacturing industries have proved to bo unprofitable by reason of low prices, but, really, because—first, the cost of production (5) has not been lowered to ruling rates; and second, by reason of a want of thoroughness in the work.

To hold that Labour can permanently dictate wajes or hours of employmentand that, forsooth, irrespective of quality or ■ale prices, is so ruinous for Labour, that I wonder that the intelligence of th-i working man has not long since revolted at the teachings of the specious impostors who have, by masquerading in the garb of statesmen, deluded him to the contrary. The result of the teaching, however, is now seen—Capital scared, hence Labour crippled. He who would cut down the tree to get at the fruit is indeed a fool. Let Labour be warned—th«re is but one remedy : treat Capital fairly : take oare only to insist on such wages as will make it worth while for Capital to embark in industry, and we shall then see the only industrial prosperity which is sound—Labour and Capital, not divorced as now, but wedded. But Capital is now so frightened that, in order to obtain the opportunity to treat it fairly, it must be tempted back by placing in power men whom Capital will trust. With such men, and drastic retrenchment and realisation of publio lands, not only to reduce expenditure below inoome, but sweepingly, so as to admit of largely reduced taxation and provision for repayment of loans, no borrowing, no unfair promo tion of the interests of Labour over Capital or vice versa, no outrages on, but security for the tenure of property, suoh immigration as will ensure ample population for land settlement and wealth production, a sound land settlement scheme, charitable aid (except to the extent of provision* for lunatics and suffering children), and bankruptcy laws abolished, protection for the provident as against the improvident and vicious, such State-education only as is requisite (in default of the parent) to qualify for the State duties of a colonist, discouragement of wealth consumers as opposed to wealth producers, and a due regard for the religious feelings of all —we may fairly expect to be soon in a sounder condition. Sounder, yes ; but not permanently and conspicuously prosperous till we send to Parliament a far larger proportion of men of superior calibre to carry out a. skw angel. For the calibre of representatives is a factor which renders representative democraoy a success or failure. Indeed, it is hardly credible, or creditable, that there are only about six oat of the members of both Houses who understand State finanoe, and probably not more than two who have studied State-education.

To write the history of the Vogel.Stout Government would be to write of scandals and mistakes for which I have no space. It would be too rash to hope that such would be a political biography of nothing worse than Incompetence at the prow and Intrigue at the helm. Even if their policy and administration had not been so persistently ruinous their isolated acts would alone be made more than sufficient to d<>mn them. For instance, even making "suffi allowance for the wear and tear which honesty almost necessarily sustains in the friction of political life," what should electors think of the Meiggtt' proposal, or of the District Railways Purchasing Act and of the creation of Legislative Councillors for its passage, or of the Government Insurance Railway Debenture Commission scandal, or of the Premier deliberately advocating the liability of laud transfer certificates of title to further impeachment, or of the consistency with nationalisation theories of the grant of 2,500,000 acres to the Midland Railway Company, or of the non-defence of the Pukekura Crown grant—a scandal which if generally known should ring through all British-speaking communities as a flagrant breach of the first duties of a Government— a dishonour on the same lines as State-re-pudiationan outrage, unfortunately (6) already too widely known, and like all breaches of faith sure to result in corresponding retribution. But worse still, in view of Stout's dangerous Socialistic theories, as shown particularly in land nationalisation and the attempt to unsettle titles by making certificates further impeachable, the Government's action is significant; and indeed alarming to those interested in land. And who Is not so interested, either directly or indirectly ? Under sucn circumstances, to speak even of the Stark, and Auckland, Ohristchurch, and Dunedin Govern ment Insurance site, purchases, or the cost which the dissolution has entailed, is paltry ; even although distress warrants for property tax are here to obtain money towards these transactions. The English doctrine, "that all power is a trust for the public good," has, indeed, here become a fiction.

Alas ! that Democracy should be so besmirched by her so-called leaders, and that the law of the natural sequence of events is not recognised. For siu is not more surely the logical sequence of false principles, than disaster is of wrong actions ; and that influential paper the Sydney Morning Herald says, " the colony has in fact been a field for the display of every conceivable experiment in the way of legislation that could find support among a crew of desperate financiers ou the one hand, and crazy theorists on the other."

Of the ministerial candidate for Newton, it would not be merciful, and is not necessary to speak, after the recent trenchant articles in the Herald ; except to remark that it is marvellous that Roman Catholics do not renounce a candidate who waived his educational faith to suit electoral exigencies. But of the Ministry, as a whole, it may not bo inaptly said, their political " fame is grunt, ; and it will, we have no doubt be lasting ; but it i* fame of a peculiar kind, and mdeed marvellously resembles " politioal infamy. R. Laishlky. Auckland, September, 1887-