THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY. NOVEMBER 1, 1886.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIII, Issue 7784, 2 November 1886, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY. NOVEMBER 1, 1886.

— » "We learn by telegraph that the Imperial Government are about to submit proposals on the federal subject, and that Lord Rosebery has put forward a manifesto on the part of the Federal League in the old country, urging the co-operation of the Governments, Parliaments, and Press in the various colonies. It is a curious historical co incidence that at the present time, when the federation of Britain and her colonies has risen up and has become a question for the different parts of the ocean-divided Empire, the population of the Australasian settlements should be just about the same as was that of the American plantations at the time when they were separated from the old country. In each case the amount was in or about three millions—the exact Australasian figures, that is for the Australias, New Zealand, and Tasmania on the 31st December last, according to the compilation of Mr. Hayter, the Victorian statist, being 3,234,325. One group of colonies broke away in angry severance from the parent State, while at a similar stage of their growth another group is about to consider the question of a more detailed system of federation of cordial family union with her. But a century has elapsed between the two events ; and their utter contrast marks the progress which has been made in political ideas, in statesmen's policy, and the total change which has come about in the way of viewing colonies, of interpreting their meaning and purpose. The American plantations did not desire to break off; they did not want to become the United States of a hostile Republic. But while we blame the insolence and the stupidity of the Minister and the Monarch who drove them into revolt, we need not be altogether unjust either. Such conduct was in accord with the prevailing ideas of the time , and no wonder dull, prejudiced, commonplace men like Lord North and King George 111. should be arbitrary over the relations of a colony to the parent State, when even a singularly gifted man, a renowned statesman and a brilliant Minister like Lord Chatham entertained such notions. No doubt there were great men there also who espoused the cause of the American colonists, who battled against the injustice, as they did against every injustice—men like Charles James Fox, like Edmund Burke—and their personal qualities got them respectfully listened to, but, none the less, their views were laughed at as out of the domain of practical politics. For, as a matter of fact, the idea that colonies were only meant for the benefit, real or fancied, of the parent country, was the governing idea of their relations, not merely at that time, but in all previous times, and for long subsequent years. It was as old as history itself. It made Oorcyra revolt against Corinth, as well as Massachusetts and Virginia against England, and only two generations back, Mexico and Peru against

Spain.

Common sense is often a very uncommon thing, and even in State Councils, for it is a trite saying that Governments do not always and visibly represent wisdom. But in our day broad and true views, and a wholly

new and enlightened policy, in dealing with the colonies have come to be exercised by the Government and Legislature in Westminster. No outer dependencies ever before received from the headquarters of an empire such full liberty and fair play. If at any time things do not go rightly with us, the fault is our own, for the management is in our hands. To be sure, in spite of this, there is every now and again a growl because, although the present is at our disposal, we wish the Imperial authorities not to be regardless of the future for us—and hence the prominence acquired by such disturbing questions as that of New Guinea, that of the recidivistes, or of the New Hebrides. It is England's interest, as it is ours, to have, or have, had, these several questions settled in the way we would desire. The wholesome progress of these colonies, the expansion of such sites for her emigrating children and the growth of her empire and its commerce out here, should reasonably and deeply concern her statesmen. Have we grounds for believing that they are not really so concerned 1 It may be that Ministers in Downing-street do sometimes require spurring, or on the other hand that Agents-General may be occasionally too impetuous. Possibly every now and again, to our view, a statesman beside the Thames may be blundering, or over cautious, or lukewarm on such subjects; while to their view we out here— behind Port Philip, or Port Jackson, or the Waitemata—may appear too little considerate of thegeneral situation in contemplating our own particular part of it. We cannot but note that the European situation was perhaps never so complicated. The Governments are watching each other all round. Oan anybody foresee who will be friends or who foes to-morrow 1 For example, where is now yesterday's bosom alliance of Prince Bismarck and Austria, or what has become—for the present at any rate—of the inherent antagonism between Germany and Russia 1 We should not forget that, metaphorically, it is no easy matter to " go to Constantinople and take the Turk by the beard." Indeed, literally, the Muscovite does not find that even now quite an easy matter, although the Turk is no longer the terror of Christendom, as when Shakespear wrote, but only a sick man. Nevertheless, Russia, with her ewn big military strength and the biggest military power in Europe, for ally at her elbow, and no prospect of real resistance visible, does not venture a straightforward dash at Constanti nople but feels her way, creeps along in serpentine fashion, as there is no foreseeing what might not happen in this age of surprises.

No, in regard to our external relations, we cannot fairly blame the Imperial authorities for not doing everything off-hand, exactly as we would like it. As regards our internal affairs, we have received full and free self-manage-ment. We are already federated with the mother country by the link of the Crown and the link of sentiment, and the forthcoming proposals of a detailed federal system, it is optional for each colony to acquiesce in or not, as it may think well.