THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. THURSDAY, MAY 28, 1885.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXII, Issue 7339, 28 May 1885, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. THURSDAY, MAY 28, 1885.

We fully expected that by this time the measure under which the land of the King Country is to be dealt with would have been printed in Maori and English, and circulated throughout the colony. It is quite necessary that this should be done, because after Parliament meets there is no time to consider a measure, and the circumstances are most unfavourable to any satisfactory conclusion being come to. "When a Bill is circulated previously, those interested have - ' time to consider and to express their opinions concerning it to their representatives. But when a Bill is not printed till all the members are assembled in Wellington the state of things is very different. They are then separated from their constituents, and are operated upon by another set of influences. They have not opportunity to study the measure, and the Government or some section of the House can easily influence them by promising that if they support the Bill, they in turn will forward some other, upon which the'heart of the representative is more specially set. He, not being in any way informed or pledged by his constituents, yields, and a mischievous measure is carried. In respect to this measure for dealing with native lands, the Government are pledged over and over again. Last session, in withdrawing, on the protest of Wahanui, the Native Lands Settlement Bill, the Native Minister. Mr. Ballance, stated that he did so in order that the natives I might have time before next session to consider the measure he was about to introduce. Mr. Locke, one of the best authorities in the House on the subject of native lands, said :—" I hope that, if he is going to introduce a Bill. dealing, with this subject next session, we shall during the recess learn what his proposals will be, and have an opportunity of discussing them." The expectation that the proposals of the Government would be made known, so that Europeans and Maoris should be able to see and consider them, ran all through the debate. Indeed, " the principal reason why - Mr. Ballance withdrew the Bill, merely retaining the clauses which locked up the country, was that sufficient time had not been allowed for their consideration. Further, Mr. Ballance, only a few months ago, during his visit'to the King Country, made several clear and distinct promises. He said :—

; Tawhiao has asked that all laws shall be so carefully prepared that tie may look at them, and that he may have an opportunity of judging which to prefer. I thoroughly agree with that sentiment, and I will try as far as possible to carry out the wishes which Tawiao has expressed. 1 think that all important laws, before they are made; should be submitted to the judgment and the discussion of the native people ; and I shall take care that all Acts and laws shall be submitted to them before they are submitted to Parliament. ' r , I Afterwards he said: — The. most important part of my speech is, that we shall consult with the chiefs and the people before we pats laws affecting their interests. I have given you my word that that shall be done in future.

We may make another quotation :— "All large questions of legislation affecting the native people 'should be circulated amongst them before they are introduced. > Again and again was the promise made by the Government, whose distinctive virtue was, that it was to be perfectly truthful with the natives, and, above all, was to consult with them, and take their opinions on all questions in which they were interested. And yet we are now within a fortnight of the opening of the session, and no draft Bill, or statement of what the measure is to be like, has ever been made. The subject must be dealt with next session. But when Mr. Ballance brings in his Bill, Wahanui will be just as much entitled as he was last session to object to it passing, on the ground that the natives have not considered its provisions. And, surely, the Europeans will be entitled to say the same. The question is of vital importance to the North Island, and serious mistakes may easily be made, which will be mistakes for ever. And we say again that it is impossible to educe the public opinion of the colony in respect to a Bill which is first produced in. the midst of a heated and busy session.

What we are entitled to infer respecting the coining measure, from statements by Mr. Stout and Mr. Ballance to the natives, is by no means of a reassuring character. It seems to be directed to the creation of a huge leasing system, by which the Maoris will remain unimproving and grasping landlords, while the Government will act as the hated " middleman," who squeezes out the rents, and sells up defaulters. On the occasion of the' turning of the sod of the Trunk Railway, the Premier said : —

It will make your land more valuable, and the land that you do not need, if you wish to lease it, you will get more money for it.

Mr. Ballance, at an interview he had with the natives, said :—

When the people are prepared to lease, then Government will assist by advancing the money for the surveys, aud all they shall ask will be that the cost of the surveys will be returned to them. But the law, although it is an important one, shall not be made without the Bill being circulated amongst the native people. You will ha/e an opportunity of expressing your opinion upon it. He then proceeds— The Bill that we intend to introduce will prevent the necessity of the Government acquiring lands, the principal object of the Government being to get the country settled, and if the natives will do that themselves, by leasing their lands, the Government will assist them, aud not otherwise interfere.

Part o£ the above quotation is important, as showing the tenure and mode of holding which the Government mean to endeavour to create, while another part confirms our previous point, that the Government were pledged to circulate the Bill before the session commenced. Another important subject in the forthcoming measure is thus stated :—

I infer that no natives will object to any rates when the land has been leased, and is being cultivated, for the rates are put on for the benefit of the roads, and roads cannot be made without them.

The meaning of this is, that under whatever title the natives may hold, whether their own native title or a Grown grant, they shall not have to pay rates, as the Government would not extend the Rating Act over their lands, but that whenever the land passed, by lease, into the occupation of Europeans, it would be taxed, and Mr. Ballance says that he infers that the natives will not object to that process. The inference is a very safe one. \Ve do not suppose that the Government Bill of next session will prohibit all sales, but it is evidently the intention of the Government to encourage leasing, to promote the formation of a Maori aristocracy who shall have nothing to do but to draw rents from the tenants, while the Government is employed in the hated position of agent. We do not believe that under such a plan the country would ever be settled. Settlers taking up Crown , land under lease, have always the prospect of ultimately obtaining the freehold, but with Maori landlords this would be impossible. And the fact of the Government acting as agent over such a large extent of country, would introduce an abnormal element into politics that would be antagonistic to the proper discharge of the functions of a Government. It is possible, we admit, for the Government to carry out some such plan if they will insist on cutting up the land into large grazing areas, or runs, but if they really desire to settle the country with farmers, who shall bring out the capabilities of the soil, they will abandon the ideas they seem to entertain. We ask the Auckland members, before they leave for Wellington, to say whether they are agreeable that the settlement of the King Country shall be attempted on such a scheme as this. These are the points—leases, Maori landlords, the Government to act as agents.

In our next article we shall' deal with the machinery which the Government propose to create to deal with the ownership of the land,, and whether or not the title shall be changed to Crown grant. We may remark that it appears to be as rotten as the rest of the Government proposals.