THE The New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY. DECEMBER 1, 1879.
The time has passed when a subject of importance to the colonies could be disposed of by a scratch of the pen of a Secretary of State. It was tolerably feasible in the time of Earl Grey ; it is quite impossible in that of Sir M. HicksBeach. Yet the dispatch in which the Secretary for the Colonies replies to the objections of Sir Georgo Grey to the conferring of titles on colonists by the Imperial Government, expresses his dissent, holds that the home Government is best fitted to confer them, on udvicc tendered, and brings the correspondence to a conclusion, has somewhat this complexion. Whether the present Secretary for the Colonies is a very judicious representative of the Crown is open to very serious doubt, and it is in a measure indicated by the attempt with respect to this matter, to snuff out both the man and his subject. It isin nowaysurprising that Sir M. HicksBeach should fail either to understand or to agree with the representations of the late Premier, because it takes something like a generation to indoctrinate the Colonial Office with a aew ide:\. It took longer than that to induce it to accept the policy of non-intervention, if we may so call it, with regard to the dependencies of Great Britain, and a sharp struggle to boot. Its feelings were actually hurt when they refused to have the malefactors of the Empire quartered oil them, and something like ingratitude was imputed. It is better that these disagreeables should bo forgotten, because it is of the utmost importance that the home Government and the dependencies should be on a cordial footing, and in sober truth it must be admitted that the colonies have now very little to complain of, and should be ready to admit that just and right as are the powers of self-government conceded to the dependencies of Great Britain, history affords no parallel. It is not the least fault of the despatch of the Secretary of State that its tone recalls the old quarrels, which eveiy one desires to forget. The object of all who have given the subject mature consideration, is to bind the Empire closer together, consolidate it, make it one powerful, coherent whole for the purposes for which States exist.
The school to whicli Sir George Grey belongs, and which contains many very able men, believes that the sound, practical way of retaining the bonds which unite Great Britain and lier dependencies, is to eliminate, as opportunity offers, all those things which might give rise to difference. The late Premier— and what caused him to express his dissent matters not one jot if the dissent itself be sound —objected to the conferring of titles on public men in New Zealand by the Imperial Government. Sir George Grey is not the only exponent of that opinion. It is stoutly held by Mr. George Higginbotham, the ablest statesman in Victoria, and probably in any of the Australian colonies. The contention is one that appears to us unassailable, that public men should be required to look to the colony for their reward, and on no account to any external power. This is the policy of every country, and it is that of Great Britain itself. No subject of Her Majesty can accept even a foreign decoration without Iter consent, and tlio same rule is in forco throughout all Europe. The United Slates upholds it with the utmost inflexibilty. It is hold that no external reward should be allowed by any chance to create a divided allegiance. It is true that, in one respect, the position assumed by Sir George Grey and that held by (lie Imperial Government are not identically similar, because a decoration from the King of Germany to an Englishman would be from a foreign Power, and that conferred by the Queen on a public man of New Zealand is not so. But the distinction is not worth a rush, because, virtually, as regards this particular matter, and for the purposes of the argument, England is
a foreign Power. Let as not be misunderstood ; wo confine tho application of the term strictly to this subject, and use it reluctantly, and only because no otliar is applicable. What the Imperial Government may think with regard to the proceedings of any colonial statesman ought not to inlluosscß him in tho slightest decree, his allegiance beinjr due to tho country of which he i.3 u denizen, and whose public affairs ho lioips to direct. But there rovt-tf, always be a danger of this being ov£-i'f. )okt'd so long as there is a prosfecfc or pvobab'iity of his being the recipient of an Cmpenal title. For instance, public duty may require that he should traverse 'the conduct of the Queen's representative, and he may close his eyes to the necessity because a different line of procedure, by offending the representative and the Secretary for the Colonies, migh*; deprivo him of the distinction .to commonly coveted. There should be no auch aberration to induce him to make his conduct conform to his ambition
rather than to his duty. Again, u bestows on tlio Governor a power which can easily be used adversely to the interests of the colony. Ho is an Imperial servant, all of whoso hopes are centered iu the Colonial Office, and self-interest, therefore, dictates to him to induce the acceptance by the colonial statesman of Imperial views on any particular subject, by hints of the reward that may attend his acquiescence. Not to use tlic term offensively, a title may always be used as a means of corruption, as a means of deflecting the course of the Minister in that direction which would be pleasing to the patrons of the- Governor. It has further to be remembered that these titles can be used by a partisan Governor to subserve party purposes. It would be aosurd to look upon the Queen's representatives as a superior order o{ mortals, incapable of being influence by the considerations which frequently sway less exalted personages. Some of them aro very high-minded men ; some have considerable capacity. Others are just, about as good as other people, and no better. And this is inevitable under a system which selects Governors not for their fitness but to suit the objects of the Government in office, to make room for some one else, to shelve a worn-out ambassador. or provide for a needy member of the party whoso claims could not safely be ignored. In Sir Hercules Robinson we have a representative who reflects honor 011 the Crown, but that cannot be said of every man who has been the alter ejo of the Sovereign. Earl BeaconsSeld has alluded to the value of conferring titles on colonists as a means of rendering them Imperialist in their ideas as distinguished from colonial, and there could be 110 more potent justification of the dissent of the late Premier. It is improbable that Sir George Grey will effect his object at present, but the time will come when his opinion will receive the support of a resolution of a Legislature, either inN ow Zealandor Australia, and the Imperial Government will then feel itself compelled to accept a position which has in it nothing of disloyalty find is dictated by considerations which, though a Secretary for the Colonies may now poohpooh them, cannot bo gainsayed, should be enforced, and must eventually prevail.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Herald, Volume XVI, Issue 5629, 1 December 1879, Page 4
Word Count
1,248THE The New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY. DECEMBER 1, 1879. New Zealand Herald, Volume XVI, Issue 5629, 1 December 1879, Page 4
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