THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XII, Issue 4270, 21 July 1875, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE.

[COMMt'NICATED.J Whatever our feelings may be towards Gcrmauy, so much we must admit, that, during the last war its sons proved themselves not to be a people only of dreamers and phantasts, fit for nothing else than reading big books and writing still bigger. Late events did not shew them to be a nation only apt for a life in the clouds; and these, who were the chief propagators of this dogma, the clever Frenchmen have, iu a rather disagreeable way, found out their mistake, and given a clear proof of their own incapacity for practical purposes. When, little more than ten years ago, Prince Bismarck, or as he then was simply Hcrr Bismarck, was recalled from his post as envoyein Paris, to take in hand the Premiership and Ministry of foreign affairs in Prussia, a more sagacious and able ruler was hardly supposed to exist in this world than the late Emperor of France. And how did I not the whole world scorn at the wild reck- I lessuess of the new Prussian Cabinet President, and hold him up as a specimen of lunacy and compare him to tne rope-dancer, Blondin. Well, less than a decennium passed, and what h..d this madman at large accomplished ! Ho had tirst cunningly formed a coalition with Austria, which he acutely used for the purposo of getting up a quarrel I and beginning a war, which ended in the greatest humiliation for the old rival and ally and the conquest of Hanover and Electoral Hesse, and was followed by the forming and building up by law of the North German Confederation. Afterwards ho had (by what means.is not easy to say) secured the alliance of the South German Powers in the great war against France, which he before repeatedly had shewn his teeth, crushed the late French Empire, and formed the new German one. It is this latter and its forerunner, the North German Confederation, which are the subject of this article. It is not the place here to discuss how it was that Germany remained so much behind in political unity both during the old German Empire and during the following hardly less loosely connected late German Confederation. Anyhow, a change was needed, and the right man appeared to bring it about. This work has oeeu compared to the North American Union, aud there is undoubtedly a certain resemblance. But circumstances were greatly different. Surrounded as Germany was by powerful neighbours, a stronger central authority must exist, lest strangers should arm one member against the other, as so often had happened in times past. The first Napoleon played that i;ame successfully, and his nephow tried to do the same, especially in the summer of 1870, but he was too late then, for the strong arm of Bismarck had already tied tho bond of union that held North Germany together, aud connected thereto the South German States. The exterior unity was th 6 result of the great victories of 18GG ; the interior unity was to change—to use a German pun —the old State federation into a federation State.

As it is mentioned before, this work has been compared to Washington's ; but it cannot be gainsaid that it is much easier to unite a number of republics than a number of monarchies. In the former case no State needs to take precedence, and a president can be elected in the name of the whole people, to rule in the name of the people. But it is very different with monarchies, and if a monarch enters into a federation, he leaves his rank as an hereditary head, and becomes only one among equals. Still more is his position altered if, as here was the case, one of the number is made ex officio president. Yet this is not the only strange circumstance that meets our eyes, but we see that in the so very prince-loving Germany the nominal head of the federation was nearly stripped of all real power, and that his great Premier, in his capacity of Chancellor, took the reins of Government in his strong hands at the same time that he loaded his sturdy shoulders with the heavy burden of inevitable hatred and calumny. The central authority, with which the chief of the union was thus invested, was only military and diplomatic. Bismarck was prudent enough to see that it was necessary to give up uniformity of administration and legislation to gain the outward political organisation. The proposal to lay the military and diplomatic authority in the hands of the King of Prussia, instead of in those of the whole people—which had not yet learned to use it—or in those of the Federal Council, which would have been split up entirely at the first important pressure from outside—was undoubtedly the only right course to follow ; and the brilliant victories Prussia lately had gained had given it a right to such a place of honour, at the time that the expected rupture with Franco made it necessary to entrust the power to strong hands.

The Constitution thus gave to the King of Prussia absolute power to declare war, make peace, conclude treaties, receive and appoint diplomatic agents, and he was invested with the whole military administration. Every State was requested to contribute to the defence a force of one per cent, of its population until the end of 1871, and to pay 225 thalers (or £34) a-year for every soldier to meet the military expenses. Members of the military committee of the Federal Council were appointed by the President, and for diplomatic affairs there was then no committee. The Chancellor, who by virtue of his olDco had a seat in the Parliament, was responsible to this for the whole of his administration, except for diplomatic affairs. This kind of absolutism, however, only concerned the relations to foreign countries, and military execution against any member could only be decided upon by the Confederation. Even commercial treaties were subject to the control of the Council.

It is held by most English political writers that the constitutions which work best generally arc uusysteinatical, and this opinion seems rather to be confirmed by experience. The North German constitution had this advantage, if it be one. It w»b a sort of mixture of English, North American, and Continental mode of Government and Parliamentarism. There is an hereditary head as in England, a Federal Council, which has a resemblance to the North American Senate, and a House of Representatives, elected by general suffrage as in the United States aud formerly in France. This latter was indeed a very radical institution. It consisted of one member for every 100,000 inhabitants, elected by general suffrage, as was observed above. Every man who had reached tho age of twenty-one, aud was a citizen iu any North German State, had a vote. But this radicalism was greatly counter-balanced by the authority of the Federal Council, and this latter was very large. The object of this institution was to protect the right of minorities both against democratic pressure and against the grasping power of Prussia, aud its means to do so were rather considerable. In the lirst instance it could meet at any time, independently of the Parliament, and its meetings were secret, and thus quite beyond the

[ control of popular opinion; at the same time that every member had a right of motion in the Parliament. Every law that was passed I in the Parliament must be confirmed by the Council by a majority of two-thirds. This illustrious collegium was composed of the representatives of the several governments, but the number of votes held by the respective States was in no proportion whatever to their greatness and importance. Prussia, to which the great majority of the population belonged, had only 17 votes among 43, by which arrangement it was bound to win on its side 12 more votes to get the necessary majority of two-thirds. On the other hand, it will be seen that it had alone veto against the Parliament and all the other Governments taken together. The smaller States thus had certainly nothing to complain of. The branches of government with which the Council was invested were the administration of customs, of railways and public works, of mails and telegraphs, and things therewith connected. Customs duties were imposed by the Parliament, and the revenue thus raised was distributed among the several States according to population. The control the Parliament exercised over the Federal Government was very small. It had nothing to say in military affairs. They were settled for certain years by way of treaty. As there was no civil list and no considerable staff of officers, a refusal of sup ■ ply on the part of the Parliament would be of very little consequence. The mere judicial responsibility of the Chancellor was all. But although so strictly limited, tho North German Parliament did not sink down to the state of a mere debating society. During its short existence a considerable number of important lawß were passed ; among others, a criminal code, common to the whole Federation, and these laws arc, as an appendix, added to the Constitution of the new-made Empire.

This constitution rests chiefly on the same foundation as the former, but the grand title , of Emperor lias been bought by the loss of a i good deal of importance on the part of the j chief, both through the increase of members in the Federal Council and tho extension of influence given to the minor States, in spite of the loud protests from the great German party. The new members have together got Fifteen votes, whereby Prussia, from formerly having two-fifths of the votes, now has less than a third. Further, when formerly a minority of fifteen among forty-three was necessary to prohibit a law passed by the Parliament, a minority of fourteen among fifty-eight is now sufficient. The three greatest of the minor States—Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurtemburg—have together this number of votes, aud exercise thus, if united, a right of veto, which certainly is very great. The representatives of these three kingdoms form, moreover, together with the Imperial Chancellor, a permanent committee of foreign affairs, whereas formerly no such committee existed. Another alteration is, that in affairs concerning only a pari of the members, their votes only were taken, a step which gives back to theFederation-State some what of its old character of State-federa-tion. Considering that Prussia has liveeighths of the population, it cannot be said with reason that its preponderance is too great. This mode of Federal Government is rather strange, and is hardly likely to last long without modifications. Such an awkward institution as the present Council cannot be but temporary, and obviously it was not intended to be otherwise in its mixed character ot a prince-deputy House of Lords and a board of administration. Whether it may be reformed or replaced by something else, time only will shew,—perhaps first the one and then the other. The several committees may change into administrative Boards, or the heads of these committees into responsible ministers, forming a cabinet under the presidium of the Chancellor. Who knows? Man proposes, but God disposes. A great deal depends upon the life, health, and strength of that wonderful man who is now at the head of affairs. If Bis- I marck should suddenly leave the stage with- I out a successor quite equal to the occasion being found, critical times may come. The Emperor may then have to take the Government into his own hauds, if he is able to do so. If he is not, things may look awkward. Enemies greedy for revenge look on from many quarters, and there is thunder in the atmosphere. Whatever our feelings may be, the spectacle is interesting. Perhaps a few words about this admirable military system, through which so great success has been gained, may properly conclude this sketch. The military organisation of Germany rests on the same ground as the former Prussian one, which was first instituted in the beginning of this century, at the I general stand of the nations against Napoleon, and greatly improved by the new law of ISO 3, brought about through Bismarck's indomitable energy and reckless courage. The leading principle of this system is general compulsory service. Every man, rich aud poor, high and low, is taken for a soldier as soon as he has completed his 20 years. He has then to serve in the army for three years, after which time he stands in the reserve for four years. When this time is I over, he belongs for live years to the landwehr, or militia, which may be called upon for the defence of the country, but cannot be used for foreign wars. No man is free except the princes of sovereign families. The richest man in the land cannot by all his fortune buy himself off or find a substitute. The only mitigation shewn is for the benefit of university students, who arc free from barrack duties, but they are subject to the same drill as others, and as . soon as the war-trumpet sounds they must all out to face the enemy as well as their less literate brethren. This arrangement is, of course, necessary if the recruits for the learned professions should bo able to carry on their studies. Thus will be seen that the army that conquered so gloriously in France not long ago was composed of the most different elements —every stratum of society, every degree of education, every profession, and every trade is represented. The son of the rich country gentleman stands in tho same ranks as his father's ploughman, and there are privates that can construe their'' Thucydides" with the greatest nicety, corporals able to write exercises in Hebrew or Sanscrit, and sergeants capable of conducting claases in Greek philosophy; there are both doctors and bachelors. All the many kinds of artizanship that are needed in an army can be found in the ranks: tailors, shoemakers, saddlers, blacksmiths, carpenters, bakers, arc all there in great numbers ; and plenty of medical students can give assistance to the surgeons in dressing the wounded. This very difference causes unity, whicli is strength; and how can it help to create good spirit? This is true democracy and conservative equality. It may not be out of place to observe that every man has the option of entering the ranks at 18 instead of at 20. His three years* term is then at an end when he becomes of age. Every year, shortly after the harvest, the troups were called out for a few weeks for field operations. By that a high degree of practical experience was gained, both by officers and men ; and after half a century of peace Prussia was able to compete with troops greatly accustomed to actual warfare; and last, but not least, the Commissariat were yearly drilled, as well as the troops. The superior efficiency of this latter was an object of general admiration in» the last war. It is placed on an entirely military footing. Every captain is the paymaster and commissary ot his company. In every battalion an officer of captain's rank fills the same functions for the battalion, and a major holds that office for every brigade or halt-brigade, as officers of higher rank do for the greater divisions. The whole subordinates under the War Department, the head of which was, until lately, that prince of administrators— the old General von Roon —now succeeded by the great engineer, General von Kameke.

Numerous military hospitals, on the greatest scale, are spread over all Prussia; and after every battle railway trains started in every direction with the wounded, who were dispersed among numerous places, which never were overcrowded. All the military forces of Germany are under the command of the Emperor, and receive their orders through his groat staff, which has for its chief that great military genius, Count von Moltke, now the Deputy-Field-Marshal-General of the Empire. B. M. O.